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The Murder of John Gethin

This is a story some of you may have come across before. I have included some further information about some of the characters involved and provided some background that may or may not be relevant and is a bit of a mish-mash of information. Any thoughts or further information on the story would be appreciated.

In 1587 a Newland tanner, Edward Whitson, transported a cargo of calfskins by a boat owned by John Gethin from Brockweir in the Wye Valley to a French ship in the Kings Road (near Avonmouth) in the Bristol Channel provoking a violent confrontation with Bristol merchants who claimed a monopoly on the export of calfskins. The merchants were led by Thomas James who was born in Woolaston in the Forest of Dean. The confrontation resulted in the murder of Gethin by James. According to William Adams writing in 1623:

“This year in July 1587 near about St James fair Mr Thomas James and many other merchants of Bristol, having obtained letters patents from our Queene for the sole transportation of calf-skins, and having intelligence that a woodbush of Brockwere was loaden with calfskins by Edward Whitson of Newland in the county of Glowcester, tanner, to be shipped aboard a French ship called the Esperanso in Kingrode, without compounding with the merchants for the same transporting or of paying any other custom: whereupon Mr James, Thomas White, John Brimsdone, merchants, and others to the number of 13 went from hence in the searcher’s pinnace, having one musket, half pikes, and some other offensive weapons, to meet the said woodbush and to make seisure and forfeit of the said goods prohibited. The forest men were bold, and suspecting blows might happen, ye said Edward Whitson, with Walter Ely and others to the number of 11, had well fitted themselves with bows and arrows, pikes, targets and privy coats, stronger than our men for offence and defence. They met in Kingrode, resisted and shot arrows at the pinnace, whereof Mr Thomas White and others were hurt: but our men being hurt and so moved in their own defence, a musket was shot off (supposed) from Mr James, which killed John Gethen, master and owner of the boat, for which the 2 sheriffs troubled him and seized upon his goods and others’ that were with Mr James. But Mr James himself was indicted and arraigned at the Marshalsie in Sowthworke, and when no man gave evidence against him he was released as not guilty; but it cost him much besides his trouble. Thomas Kedgwin wrote otherwise, but I knew the business better than he.”

The Society of Merchants Venturers was established by a 1552 Royal Charter from Edward VI granting the society a monopoly on Bristol’s sea trade, restrictingaccess to the port and foreign markets. The society interpreted this as a granting of a monopoly on all trade within the Bristol Channel.The Society became notorious for its involvment in the slave trade and the charter still offers the Society protection from public scrutiny of theri finances.

However, the granting of this Charter ran counter to customary rights held ‘since time memorial’ by traders in the Forest of Dean who regularly sent their goods by sea to Ireland and France. The 1552 Royal Charter represented a breach of customary norms by the emerging mercantile class represented by the Merchant Venturers in claiming ownership of resources that had traditionally been held in common. In doing so they ran into violent conflict with a community from Brockweir in the Forest of Dean whose strongly held belief in custom and practice meant that they would defend their interests with the use of arms.

Thomas James (1555-1619)

Thomas James was also a member of the local Forest of Dean gentry. His father, Edward, migrated from Brecon to Woolaston on his marriage to Margaret Catchmay-Warren. Margaret’s father was William Warren from Hewelsfield Court near Brockweir. Her mother was Mariana Catchmay, who was descended from Sir Thomas Catchmay, who owned the Bigsweir Estate just up the Wye from Brockweir.

As a young man, Thomas James migrated to Bristol and served an apprenticeship as a merchant where he engaged in trade with the Spanish with whom he fell out and was later accused of corruption. He married Anne Gough in 1578 and had fifteen children.

Ann Gough was the daughter of William Gough (1535 -1626) and closely linked to the ownership of Hewelsfield Court. After the death of William Warren in 1573 Hewelsfield Court passed to George Gough, who had married William’s daughter Mary (Margaret’s sister) who then held it as a widow.

Their son another William Gough succeeded to their Hewelsfield estate, and it later passed to his son Richard Gough who left it to his daughters Alice, wife of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, and Eleanor, wife of Sir William Catchmay.

Henry Gough, who was probably Ann’s brother, was another member of this extended family who migrated to Bristol and became a merchant venturer. He was elected Sheriff of Bristol 1585-86. Gentry families were often closely connected and intermarried!

Thomas James (Merchants Hall, Society of Merchant Venturers).

Thomas James became a very successful businessman and a leading member of the Merchant Venturers. Thomas James acquired over 400 acres of land and property in the Forest of Dean in Woolaston and Tidenham area close to Brockweir.

Trade with Spain

Thomas James gained a considerable amount of his wealth from trade with Spain. The merchant venturers were primarily interested in power and money and were not concerned with the interests of the developing nation state. Consequently, they did not allow war with Spain to interfere with their trade. Dr Richard Stone, Lecturer in the History Department at the University of Bristol has discovered that in Bristol:

Data from the port books and wharfage books show that in spite of England being at war with Spain 1563-1608, there was no decline in trade, which rose from £12k in 1563 to £34k in 1600. Some of that can be attributed to licensed privateering, up to a third in 1595-5, but most of it was ordinary trading, which was illegal but evidently profitable. Computer analysis by region of Bristol’s trade in 1600-1 shows imports from, but no exports to, Spain. That suggests that Bristol ship owners or captains were making false declarations for customs purposes. Bristol merchants probably had closer relationships with Spain than with London. Similar analysis of Bristol’s exports to France 1600-1 show most going to La Rochelle but also to Bayonne and St Jean de Luz, close to the Spanish border. In 1594-5 most exports went to Brest and La Rochelle. Bristol’s trade with St Jean de Luz was particularly active during wartime, notably 1600-1 and1624-5

On the import side, analysis by commodity of trade 1594-5 shows goods coming in from St Jean de Luz, in fact coming from Spain. Analysis by origin of imports 1594-5 shows a cluster of places of origin around Seville, eg Cadiz. Seville was prospering because of the influx of silver from the new world: it would be understandable for Bristol merchants to want to cash in. Data for 1600-1 show Seville sending goods to Bristol. The inference is that Bristol merchants were declaring that they were trading with ports in France eg Toulon, but were in fact trading with Spain. In 1575 shipping from Spain was dominated by English ships. In 1600 English ships were engaged mostly in privateering or were transferring to neutral destinations. The conclusion is that merchants all over Europe were co-operating to make trade happen, irrespective of war.

The Forest of Dean
When William Camden’s Britannia, was first published in 1586 it reinforced the reputation of the Forest of Dean as a ‘dark and terrible place’. Camden wrote that the Forest of Dean:

“was a wonderful thicke forrest, and in former ages so darke and terrible by reason of crooked and winding, as also the grisly shade therein, that it rendered the inhabitants barbarous and emboldened them to commit many outrages. In the reign of Henry VI they so annoyed the banks of the Severn with their robberies, that there was an Act of Parliament (8 Henry VI) made on purpose to restrain them.”

Although some such attacks did take place Jason Griffiths points out that:

“the reference to an act of Parliament serves to re-enforce both the significance of the attacks and to set up a binary opposition between central government and this unruly region needing to be restrained, a recurring trope in Forest of Dean literature. In amongst the trees, the dark forest, starved of actual and metaphorical light, is engendered barbarity and lawlessness.”

Saxton’s Map of the Forest of Dean 1577

The Forest of Dean had a highly distinctive social, political and economic history for several reasons The Normans kings designated it as an ancient royal forest to be used for hunting by the King. However, it also contained within its boundaries rich deposits of coal and iron ore which could be reached by the digging of shallow pits. In addition, there were large stands of oak suitable for construction. Therefore, it was only ‘a dark and terrible place’ to outsiders but a highly industrialised place with the economic and social life of its population regulated by its own local laws established through custom and practice over generations.

The inhabitants also had to abide by Forest law laid down by the Crown to protect the deer for hunting. During the sixteenth century, the royal forest administration harvested some of the timber for shipbuilding and made a small profit selling cordwood to smelt the locally mined ore and bark for tanning. However, by the second half of the sixteenth century, the forest had fallen into neglect by the authorities and the local inhabitants were permitted to exploit the forest almost at will.

As result, the inhabitants treated the Forest as their own, encroaching on Forest land building cabins, drawing sustenance from its woods and wasteland above the surface and minerals below, in particular coal and iron ore. Timber was used in coal mines and for building and wood for making charcoal. Since veins of ore were close to the surface, workable pits could be dug by as few as two or three men, with virtually no capital outlay. The miners were members of a close-knit community that had its own court for the settlement of all mining disputes and by custom and practice claimed unrestricted rights to mine coal and iron ore in all lands within the forest bounds. Ore mined extensively in the area around Bream and Coleford would have been transported past Orepool in Sling to St Briavels or Stowe and to  Brockweir and then up the River Wye to the Severn.

Grazing and Wood
The right to common, pannage and estovers was also claimed by the people of the Forest of Dean for centuries and the local population ran animals to graze in the woods. The tenants’ right to common pasture in the royal demesne of the Forest was exercised mainly in the detached areas that adjoined their parish.

The area between Brockweir, Hewelsfield and St. Briavels was bounded by a great tract of extraparochial land called Hudnalls. In 1608 it covered 1,205 acres and comprised the land later distinguished separately by the names Hudnalls and St. Briavels common with the north and west parts of the land later called Hewelsfield common. Although encroached upon, the extra-parochial areas remained part of the royal demesne of the Forest until the 19th century.

Brockweir was part of the Parish of Hewelsfield which also contained the village of Hewelsfield further inland from the Wye. The tenants from the parishes of Heweslfielsd and St Briavels claimed an ancient right to cut and take wood at will from the Hudnalls. They ascribed this right to a grant by Miles of Gloucester, earl of Hereford, recorded in 1282 when they were said to be destroying the woodland. A Perambulation of the Forest of Dean 1281-2, appertaining to the Boundary of the Bers (Berse) one of the Bailiwicks.” It reads:

“The Wood of Hodenhales is a royal forest of the King and is cut down by the men of St. Briavels. These men claim the right of taking wood thence for themselves freely and have always taken it from there.”

It was interpreted as more extensive than the estovers claimed by the tenants in other parishes adjoining the Forest. Hudnalls probably supplied some of the regular trade in wood from that part of the Wye Valley from Brockweir to Bristol for coopers and other craftsmen. An ancient ceremony involved the distribution of bread and cheese to the poor in St. Briavels church at Whitsun and by tradition, it was instituted in connexion with a grant of a right of taking wood in Hudnalls.

Noblemen, Knights and Gentry
The Forest in inhabitants also included the local gentry who owned land surrounding the statutory Forest. In addition, noblemen who were royal favourites were granted leases to farm parts of the Forest. These included Sir William Herbert, first Earl of Pembroke, Sir William Wintour, Richard Breame, and William Guise. In doing so they sometimes came into conflict with the inhabitants of the Forest and local gentry, particularly if they were taking more wood than was agreed in the lease as was often the case.

Among the local gentry were the owners of the Bigsweir estate which lay on the Gloucestershire side of the weir and was originally owned by the Bishops of Hereford. The freehold to the estate passed to Thomas Catchmay in 1445. It remained the main house and estate of the Catchmay family for several centuries. Thomas Catchmay already held other lands. John Catchmay was living at Bigsweir in 1509 and Thomas Catchmay in 1555. By 1608 the Bigsweir estate was held by George Catchmay who then employed at least eight servants. Thomas Catchmay (born 1445) was Thomas James’ great grandfather on his mother’s side of his family.

The man who hired Gethin and owned the calfskins was Edward Whitson (1540-1629), a member of a gentry family from Newland. In 1610 he was recoded as being a church warden at Newland church.  Members of his extended family included the brothers John Whitson (1557-1629) and Christopher Whitson (1545-1605), sons of William Whitson both born in Clearwell, the village next to Newland.

In his book John Whitson and the Merchant Community of Bristol published by Bristol Historical Association in 1970, Patrick McGrath describes Whitson’s career, fame and fortune.

In September 1570, when Whitson was about 14 or ·15 years old, he was bound as an apprentice as a merchant to Nicholas Cutt who was the fifth son of a wealthy merchant and alderman, John Cutt. The family had a house in Corn Street and had purchased the manor of Burnett in Somerset which was later to be acquired by Whitson himself. Nicholas Cutt had taken up the freedom of Bristol as a merchant in 1568 and the next year he married Bridget, the daughter of another rich alderman, Robert Saxey.

After the death of Nicholas Cutt, Whitson married Bridget and succeeded to the business which provided the basis to subsequent wealth. When Philip II laid an embargo on the English ships in 1585, Whitson fitted out the Mayflower to make reprisals. Her cruise was successful, but Whitson sold her to Thomas James. He became involved in the early voyages for the settlement of North America sending out Martin Pring. He became a member of the Merchant Venturers and major of Bristol in 1603 and 1615. He represented Bristol in four parliaments, in 1605, 1620, 1625, and February 1625–6. He married two more times into very rich families increasing his wealth and power but died from a fall from a horse in 1629. In December 1614 Whitson and four other leading Bristol Merchant Venturers were licensed to export 1,000 calfskins yearly for 40 years at preferential rates.

John Whitson

Tanning
Tanning is the process of treating skins and hides of animals to produce leather. Tanning hide into leather involves a process that permanently alters the protein structure of skin, making it more durable and less susceptible to decomposition, and also possibly colouring it. Before tanning, the skins are dehaired, degreased, desalted and soaked in water for six hours to two days. Traditionally, tanning used tannin, an acidic chemical compound from which the tanning process draws its name, derived from the bark of oak.

In 1608 the muster for Newland tithing (which comprised the Newland village area and the Redbrook area in the Wye valley) included 26 tradesmen and craftsmen. There were five tanners, most probably working in tanneries on Valley brook near Newland village, where they were conveniently placed for the Bristol, French and Irish trade using the Wye and for a supply of bark from the Forest woodlands.

A complex set of rights, customs and practices determined by custom and usage regulated industry and trade between the Foresters and others. Iron, cordwood, timber and calf skins were transported to Ireland and France via the River Severn and Wye and boatmen on the Wye had a close relationship with the miners and other Foresters. The river community in Brockweir was a close-knit community and was one of the centres of this trade. It is reasonable to assume that miners, woodmen, traders and boatmen from the Forest of Dean believed they had the unrestricted customary right to trade with whom and where they liked since time immemorial.

Brockweir
Brockweir lies on the bank of the Wye where the Brockweir and Mere brooks enter the river. Brockweir had some houses by the late 13th century and provided a substantial part of the Parish’s population by the mid-sixteenth century.

Medieval Brockweir was closely associated with nearby Tintern Abbey. Hewelsfield manor was retained by Tintern until the Dissolution when the abbey also had a grange at Brockweir, which probably comprised buildings and land adjoining in Woolaston parish where Thomas James was born. Manor and grange were granted with the other abbey estates in 1537 to Henry Somerset, earl of Worcester. The manorial rights of Hewelsfield passed to his descendants, the earls of Worcester and dukes of Beaufort. Little evidence for the early agricultural history of Hewelsfield has been found, but the original pattern of tenure, as in other manors created on the Forest fringes, was probably one of the small freeholds. The medieval manor of Hewelsfield had little agricultural land in demesne, though it did include some woodland.

In 1551 there were reported to be eighty communicants (church members) in the parish and in 1563 twenty households. At that period the small population was roughly divided between the two villages of Brockweir and Hewelsfield. The population was estimated at forty families in 1650 and two hundred people in forty houses in 1710.

Industrial and economic activity in the area was boosted in 1568 when the Company of Mineral and Battery Works established in 1565, built wireworks at Tintern which was just down the river from Brockweir. The products included cards for the woollen industry, nails, pins, knitting needles and fish hooks.  The site was convenient because the Wye offered transportation to markets. At the end of the sixteenth-century gentry and noblemen started to take an interest in the iron business and George Catchmay acquired the lease of the Tintern wireworks with several other noblemen.

Lawless Elements
For centuries many inhabitants of Brockweir were employed in the trade of the river Wye including transport and boat building. In 1563 there were thirteen sailors registered in the parish of Hewelsfield. Brockweir was the highest point reached by a normal tide on the Wye and a key transhipment point. The products of Herefordshire, Monmouthshire and the Forest of Dean (principally iron and timber) were sent back to Bristol and beyond.

Brockweir, approached as much by water as by road, was an isolated community with an independent character. Only one narrow road led into the village, and goods were usually carried by donkeys or by water, with a ferry taking travellers to and from the Welsh bank of the Wye. It was a notoriously rowdy place full of dockers, sailors and bargemen. The minister appointed to its new Moravian church much later in 1832 described the life of its watermen as being centred on beerhouses, skittle alleys, and cockfighting and said that it had the reputation of a ‘city of refuge’ for lawless elements. Of course, this characterisation of ‘the lawless elements’ in Brockwier was the view of an outsider whose mission was to ‘save them’ and convert them to his religion.

John Gethin
John Gethin inherited his boat from his father, also John Gethin. J J Dicker describes Gethin as a prosperous man:

In in 1571 we find John Geathene the elder leaving by will his ‘best boat’ to his eldest son and his ‘second boat’ to his second son, with the proviso “my wife to have use of the boats to carry to Bristol the wood I have on Wye bank.” Geathene was a prosperous man for he left £10 each to his third son and two daughters (both named Joan). It is probable that John Geathene had been married twice and had a daughter Joan by each wife. This duplication of names was not infrequent in the middle ages.

As a relatively wealthy man, Gethin was probably a leading figure in the small community of Brockweir but dependent on local custom and practice to pursue his trade. Gethin and his men would also have been well-armed.

The Armed Hand
In reference to the military muster of 1522, David Rollison concludes that, at this point, the men of the Forest of Dean were amongst the most heavily armed and trained of all English districts. He concludes the following:

The weapons and armour presented by the Hundred included 112 swords, 121 daggers, 8 shields, 114 glaives, 31 sallets, 18 Forest Bills, 7 horse and harness, 13 horses only, 16 harness only, 4 almain rivets, 1 lance, 22 hauberks, 5 gorgets, 1 splint, 1 axe and 1 javelin. Of 621 men recorded in the returns, no fewer than 408 were in possession of a weapon and armour, including no fewer than 200 longbows …. The ‘able-bodied’ category included men who were fit for military service: we must assume that many older and less fit men were also capable of using their weapons at target practice and hunting.

The list above is the 1522 Muster for Hewelsfield which includes Brockweir. The name Thomas Gethyn appears in the muster and may have been a relative of John Gethin. In 1539 fourteen men were mustered under Hewelsfield and ten under Brockweir and the corresponding figures in 1546 were eleven and nine. Later the balance swung fairly heavily towards Brockweir.

Conclusion
In the years after this event,  Thomas James became one of the most powerful figures among the mercantile elite in Bristol and built up a fleet of ships that he used as privateers to attack the Spanish. He contributed a ship to the Cadiz expedition of 1596 which captured, sacked, and burned the city. He was successively Sheriff in 1591, Alderman from 1604 until he died in 1619, twice Mayor in 1605 and 1614, Master of the Merchant Venturers in 1607 and 1615 and Member of Parliament for Bristol in 1604 – 1611 and 1614. During this period the Merchant Venturers consolidated their power and monopoly on trade in the Bristol area.

Meanwhile, James consolidated his property in the Forest. He was granted the rectory of Tidenham by the Crown in 1607 and in 1614 he held a freehold estate of 40 acres from Waldings manor. A mill and land in Woolaston, Hewelsfield, and St. Briavels conveyed to Thomas James by Edward Shere and others in 1583 included a watermill on the River Cone., Another branch of the James family owned an estate based on Stroat Farm.

Given his considerable power and influence in Bristol, it is no surprise that James was able to get away with murder. He died in 1619 as a very wealthy man. The Merchant Venturers that followed him continued to murder and plunder and became notorious for their involvement in the slave trade. However, given the local connections between the main characters involved in the murder is it possible that the conflict also had its roots in competing interests in the Forest of Dean as well as Bristol.

This perhaps was the first shot in a conflict between the Forest of Dean community and the Bristol mercantile elite. In the next century, Bristol merchants to developed financial alliances with various members of the local gentry and noblemen. This led to the increasing polarisation within the forest community between ‘improving’ gentry, industrialists and freeholders, on the one hand, and those who depended on less formal access to the resources of the locality as part of their subsistence and occupational strategies. The foresters resisted and there was rioting.

Finally, in the early nineteenth century, the Bristol Merchant Venturer Edward Protheroe was able to invest his huge wealth gained from the trade in enslaved Africans and effectively take complete control over large sections of the Forest of Dean resources by the development of his coal mines and rail networks.

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Harry Barton

This article traces the life of Harry Barton from the Forest of Dean who started work in the Lightmoor Colliery at the age of thirteen. He fought in World War One, remembers the 1926 lockout, migrated to work in the Yorkshire coalfield and then returned to the Forest to work at Northern United Colliery. He then became an activist in the Forest of Dean Miners’ Association which was the trade union representing the Forest of Dean Miners. During World War Two he joined the Communist Party and encouraged miners to commit to the war effort, campaigned for a second front and a united labour movement.  The main source for the article is from an interview by Elsie Olivey on 7 June 1984 which is held at the Gage Library in the Dean Heritage Centre, Soudley. Additional material is from the Dean Forest Mercury and the Gloucester papers.

George Henry (Harry) Barton (1898 -1990) was born in a house at the bottom of Church Road in Cinderford on 14 July 1898. His father, George Barton married Eliza Merritt on 26 August 1897. Just after he was a born the family moved to the Nags Head public house which the family managed for about six years. They then moved to a house on the corner of Flaxley Street until Harry was about eleven and then back to the house on Church Street. These houses were very close to each other. His siblings were Edith born in 1899 but died in 1903, Charles born in 1903, Ernest born in 1905, Una born in 1908 and Fred born in 1909 but died in 1910. Harry started at Bilson school when he was four years old and remembers:

“I would never get home very early in the evening and our mother used to worry where I had got to. I wasn’t very old but I used to stand watching the blacksmiths in the Triangle, shoeing the horses. And right on the end of that was the mortuary right in the Triangle. It used to frighten us kiddies when we got to know that there was a mortuary there. That’s when my mother used to say to us to go shopping for her, when I got to the Triangle, I used to run like hell past the mortuary, because I used to think of a dead body being in there or perhaps two or three! I wasn’t the only one mind who was frightened of going past there!”[1]

As a child, Harry was passionate about his education and enjoyed school. He won an essay competition and was an avid reader of comics. However, Harry said, “he was never allowed to flourish because of the conditions we lived in”. Most Forest boys at the time left school at thirteen or fourteen and went to work in the pit while the girls went away to work in service.

“I was thirteen because my mother persuaded me to get me down there because she wanted the money. When I walked home from the pit on the first week, I had nine shillings and I thought I had got the world! And my mother gave me threepence pocket money out of that nine shillings and the rest bought the week’s groceries.”[2]

Lightmoor Colliery

Harry’s father was a registered free miner but worked most of his life as a buttyman at Lightmoor Colliery A fortnight after his thirteenth birthday, Harry started working for his father.[3] At this time it was common for buttymen to employ their sons to learn the trade of hewing coal.  Harry described Lightmoor in this way:

“when you got down underneath, you would have thought you were in Fairyland! Because it was all bricked in, all the way round in a circle, like a tunnel that a locomotive would go through – all bricked round like that. And all brilliantly lit all the way up until about 500 yards from the bottom of the pit, all the way round all the districts up to there and then from there it would be in darkness. You had to use acetylene lamps then.”[4]

Harry’s first job was “wheeling coal out in a barrow from the coal face along the road to be tipped up and put into carts”. This was probably the Coleford High Delf which was about 4ft 6in in depth. Harry described the system at Lightmoor working on this seam:

“The coal was cut to the depth of 4ft 6in and each man had got to do a yard and a half of the cut – 4ft 6 deep and a yard and a half wide and that was his share. They used to work in pairs, you were paired with a man somewhere along the face. You did it regularly, he was your butty in all things that you worked on the coal face.

This road was nearly a mile long from the main road which we called Barton’s Road. My grandfather and father worked that road. The next road below was 30 yards on down, then there was another road which was called ‘Morse’s Road, that meant. you were from Ruspidge. On a little bit further was ‘Woolford’s Road,’ named after the Woolfords in Belle Vue Road.”[5]

Minimum Wage Strike

One of Harry’s earliest memories was the 1912 national miners’ strike when the Miners Federation of Great Britain won a minimum wage:

“The following year in March 1912, there was a strike by all the miners in England, a whole strike same as now, but everyone came out, for a daily minimum wage. Because you would go into the pit to work, and you’d find out when you get there, that whatever money you had, if you didn’t make the days wage or what you’d think would be a days wage, you would not get anymore – the boss would not pay it out, and that was prevalent all through the country, you only had what you earned. And very often a man would be in a very very hard place awful difficult to make a living. So they all came out on strike, they were out for a month and they won it. Every miner no matter who he was, when he went down the pit, he was always sure he’d set his money made up then, if he could not get it. That was the first time the minimum wage was paid out in this country in March 1912.” [6]

As a teenager, Harry attended the Baptist chapel and between the ages of 16 and 18, he was given the role of preaching to the younger children.

Butty System

When he was 17, he started to work as an assistant butty with his father:

“Now when I was about 17, my grandfather who was a buttyman with my father, retired when he got old, he got the coal dust on his lungs. And father said to me one day he was going to take me in with him as a butty, so I was a butty. That was alright by me because we paid the men who were working for us and we shared the money out between us afterwards.

“I used to work out what the men’s wages were who were working for us. And I used to work it out on paper the night before, on the Thursday night. Well, when we were at work the next day, I would go to the main office after we came out of the pit and draw the money out from there. I’d got it down on paper what these men were due to be paid out of the money I had picked up. Whatever was leftover I shared between my father and me, that was the butty system.” [7]

Harry added that he didn’t think the system was fair:

“those men were as good a workmen as I was or my father. But it was just the system involved and it was a system that the old men of the Forest of Dean used years and years ago.”

Harry said he worked on other seams at Lightmoor which were only 18 in to 2 foot thick which meant lying down to undercut the coal with a pick. The coal had to be dragged out to the main roads by hodders, usually teenage boys, crawling on their hands and knees.

“There were districts in there – there was one to the left of the colliery called “Lowery”, there was a district called the “Rocky” there was a district called the “No Coal” there was a district called the Coleford High Delf and a district called the “Brazillary”. They were all different seams of coal.”[8]

At this time the Forest of Dean Miners’ Association (FDMA) which was the trade union representing Forest miners was quite weak:

“Well, the Union at the time I was in Lightmoor was very poor. G.H. Rowlinson was the agent for the district when I was in there, I didn’t think much of him, we’d come out and have a meeting up by the pit head and he’d say, “Men, as far as I am concerned, we must put our shoulder to the wheel.” Him, “put his shoulder to the wheel”, he didn’t do damn all. I used to laugh my head off, I used to tell my father, “I have heard some things in my life, I can’t see him putting his shoulder to any wheel.”[9]

World War One

In August 1914, war was declared and the majority of the European working class responded to the call of arms. At first, miners were exempted from conscription which was introduced in 1916 for the majority of young men over 18 years.

“You had got the choice as a young man, you could either work in the pit – if you had never been in a pit before you were always accepted because you could be trained. If you didn’t go in the pit when you was directed by the Government you was in the Army.” [10]

Although he was already working at Lightmoor Harry decided to volunteer for the army because “I was a bit tired of pit work.” He added his father” didn’t like it but he had to put up with it”.  However, he regretted his decision because he said “I had a bit of a rough time out there but I don’t talk much about it, I got over it.”  Harry said:

“I was a driver in the Garrison Artillery, I was what they called the Wheel Driver which meant that I was in command of that gun and I’d got three pairs of horses in front of me. There was eight horses to a big gun because it was the heavy artillery. Those drivers in front had to do what I told them to do, I was in command of that gun and if anything happened to it I would be responsible not those who were in front.”

Migration

On his return in 1919, he started to work back at Lightmoor:

“I went to work in the pit a bit and I had Nephritis which was the first stages of Bright’s disease and I was in bed for two months, that was from exposure in France you see. I got stronger and better and I went back to work in the pit.”[11]

After two or three years, he moved to Leicester to work in a die casting foundry to be near his future wife Helen Popejoy, also from Cinderford, who was working in a factory there. He worked in the factory for eighteen months. He described how they first met:

“She came up the street, Cinderford street, up from where she worked in the drapery shop at the Co-op. She had her friend with her Miss Reed. Our boy was waiting for her, Will Woolford, they came up together and after a while, I asked her “will you come for a walk with me?” That’s how we started.” 12]

1926 Lockout

He then moved back to the Forest and was working at Lightmoor before the 1926 lockout and tells the following story:

“But just above the Dilke Hospital there used to be an old colliery up there. Woorgreen, they called it. Now I got to find out that they were digging for coal up there, when the strike was on, and selling this coal, so one of my friends, a chap called Sid Cooksey, (he married my cousin Lil Young). He asked me one day if I’d go up with him. I said, “What for?” He said, “To see if we can get some coal.'” He wanted it for his home look. So he could sell it and get some for his home look. and I said, “I don’t want the money, I’ve been alright, looking after my money.” But he was a married man look, so anyway I said, “I’ll go”, so we took another man called Stan Rogers up with us he was a relation – he married a cousin of mine. We went up there and searched around and there was sure to be a hundred miners up there digging holes to get their coal out. Anyway, we looked around, well we thought, they had all got the best of the plots, we got no chance at all.

There was a siding in there, where they used to run the heavy wagons, (where they used to fill them) all the way up. There was the rails still there and the siding, I went across there on my own, they were looking round other places trying to find a place to start. I started scraping down between the sleepers and I hit the coal! 18″ of coal: It was all the way up that railway line, other blokes had been digging their hearts out and they didn’t know that. I just called my mates over, quietly I said, “come on over here I want you a minute.” They came over, they saw it and I said, “let’s rip this all across there.” We got three and a half tons of coal out from there in about 5 hours.

We sold it to ‘Westbury Union (the workhouse) and sold it for £3.10s. Of course, coal was cheap then. Well, I didn’t sell it, Stan Rogers he went down and got theirs and we had £3.10s between us. It wasn’t so much as I wanted the money, I was alright. I could have lasted a long time. I looked after mine, well, I was saving up to get married, that’s the reason, but unfortunately, it (the strike) took a lot of it away, we had to delay it (the wedding).”[13]

Yorkshire

Harry then moved to Yorkshire and found work at Askern Main Colliery near Doncaster and, in 1928, married Helen:

“When we got married, I was out of work. We’d got one another that’s all that mattered with me. We had to live with this landlady for 6 months, then the Colliery built a lot of houses and we were allocated one. This was in Yorkshire then. In those days when you were young, you don’t really notice the lack of money, because in those days everyone was in a similar position. When we first got married and started off on the Monday, we didn’t have a half penny. We were buying our home and that, but we could always go down to the Co-op to get our groceries and pay on the Friday.”[14]

Harry explained that at Askern Main, there was the danger of explosive gas which was not present in the Forest of Dean coalfield where the outcrop of the coal seams come to the surface. He added that, unlike Henry Crawshay and Co. who owned Lightmoor, the Askern Main colliery owners invested in new technology. Harry said he was working on belt and pan faces:

“As time went on, I was in charge of a belt face, the belt was continually running and men were flinging coal on it …  I was in charge of a coal face up there with about 40 men on there and it was a gas mine and my job up there was to go on the coal face and before any men got on there I took the ‘Davey Lamp’ and tested all around to see if there was any gas. If there was gas around they wouldn’t be allowed on there.” [15]

He returned to Cinderford in about 1938 and he started to work at Northern United and remembers the difference between the two pits:

“when I came back from Yorkshire to work in the Northern Colliery. They had got the cutters in there and the pan faces working in there. But they had not got the pan faces working like they did in Yorkshire. When I was up there the pans that were on the face would come up and down shaking the coal down into the tub down on the end. Now at Northern Colliery the ground where they were working was so steep, they had no need to shake the pans, they just put the pans down and chucked the coal on and it slid all the way down to the tubs, it was all on the slope. It was all hard work regards walking.” [16]

After a year Harry was elected as the Secretary of the Northern United pit committee which was made of FDMA members who were elected to deal with day to day disputes and relations with the management. He was then elected as the Northern United delegate on the FDMA Executive. One of his jobs was to collect the entrance fee for the annual Forest of Dean Miners’ demonstration at Speech House in July.

“As a general rule, I was on the gate I just looked after the money as I was Finance Officer of the Miners Federation … it was really a day for all the miners in the district to meet up, and to have, or talk at least, a chat by the agent, Mr John Williams – see people used to congregate, and stand up outside and listen. And he had to tell them what he thought about the Forest and how they were getting on in the mining trade and also what they should do in the future and things like that, trying to make it entertaining as he possibly could.”[17]

World War Two

In May 1940, Harry was elected as the Northern United representative on the Forest of Dean Coal Production Committee which was made up of workers and colliery managers to discuss ways of increasing output in conjunction with the pit committees to support the war effort.

In September 1940, it was agreed the FDMA should join the South Wales region, whose President was Arthur Horner, and would now be called the No 9 area of the SWMF.[18] In a ballot of all the membership, Harry was elected to be representative of the Forest of Dean on the South Wales Miners’ Executive. He won the election by 2000 votes, He had to spend one or two days down in Cardiff at South Wales offices each week and held this position for two years. Harry said:

“When I was working at Northern Colliery, I used to earn 12 shillings a day. But when I went down there, I got 34 bob”. [19]

After this he was also elected as finance officer for the FDMA Executive:

“I held that job for 9 years and I was handling anything up to £100,000 a year from 5 pits, that was working then. A magnificent salary of £75 per annum. That’s all I had. I was allowed one day off to do all the balance sheets and I had to draw up 12 balance sheets a year…. at the end of the year, I had to make it all into one big one. And I had to take those books to Gloucester every year to be audited by the auditor in Gloucester.” [20]

Communism

The SWMF Executive now had a significant minority of delegates who were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) including its President Arthur Horner.  In addition, some of the Labour Party members on the SWMF Executive were sympathetic to communism. At this time the CPGB was quite influential, particularly in mining areas.  This was not surprising as many British communists had a reputation as good trade unionists and some miners were attracted by the spirit of internationalism and working-class solidarity advocated by the CPGB. Russia was an ally in the war against fascism and the outcome of the war was dependent on its ability to defeat the Nazis on the Eastern Front. Many British communists like Horner did not strictly follow the party line emanating from Moscow and this allowed for a degree of ideological fluidity. Consequently, Harry joined the CPGB and in 1942, was elected chairman of the Cinderford Communist Party where he worked closely with other local communists such as Len Harris and Tim Ruck.

Communists campaigned for miners to commit to the war effort and for a second front to be established in the West to take the pressure of the Soviet forces in the East. Harry would have worked closely with Horner while he was in South Wales who was often invited to speak at meetings in the Forest. In September 1942, Harry was appointed as the FDMA representative on the Welsh Regional Board under the Ministry of Fuel and Power.[21]

Throughout 1943, regular meetings were organised in the Forest by the CPGB where they put their case for a united labour movement, a second front and increasing production for the war effort. The arguments in favour of affiliation were put forward in the letter’s pages of the Dean Forest Mercury by Harry and his CPGB comrades who often debated with Labour members over the issue of the second front and CPGB affiliation to the Labour Party. Harry argued that the role of the production committees was not to force the men to work harder but to secure the experience of the men to work cooperatively to increase productivity.[22] In a letter to the Dean Forest Mercury the Harry argued:

“A united labour movement with clear political leadership could secure such measures as coal rationing; a National Government for India; better conditions for members of the forces and their dependents; Trade Union recognition and production committees in every factory; and full mobilisation of the Nation’s resources for the speedy opening of the Second Front.”[23]

The Labour Party and CPGB were united on one point summed up by Harry In November 1943:

Coal is the basis of victory and peace … Give the miner a square deal and he will produce enough coal to bury Fascism.[24]

In September 1944 Harry was elected as secretary to the Forest of Dean Trades Council which was made up of delegates from most of the main trade union branches in the Forest to discuss and campaign on issues of mutual concern.[25]

Post – War

In January 1947 George Jenkins was elected as the Forest of Dean representative on the SWMF Executive replacing Harry. However, Harry continued to work for the union and in June 1949, he was elected as secretary of Cinderford Miners Welfare Association which was responsible for the Miners’ Hall in Cinderford.[26] It is unclear when Harry retired but Northern United, the last deep mine in the Forest of Dean, closed in 1966 when Harry was 67 and it is unknown if this was the end of his working life.

In June 1984 Harry gave his interview to Elsie Olivey which has provided most of the material for this article. In the interview, Harry said he remembered Arthur Horner as a communist but did not mention that he was himself a member of the CPGB. After the end of the Second World, the nature of Stalin’s regime became public in the West including his use of show trials purges and work camps. This combined with the developing Cold War meant that the membership of the CPGB declined and at some point, Harry, like many others resigned from the Party.

Harry ended the interview by talking about his marriage to Helen:

“I’ve got the best wife a man ever had, and that’s no joking, we’re very happy, and she knows it.”[27]

[1] Harry Barton interviewed by Elsie Olivey on 7 June 1984, Gage Library, Dean Heritage Centre.

[2] Ibid.

[3] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/pity-the-poor-buttyman-the-butty-system-in-the-forest-of-dean-1921-1938/

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid. George Rowlinson was the FDMA agent from 1888- 1918. https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/coal-on-one-hand-men-on-the-other-the-forest-of-dean-miners-association-and-the-first-world-war-1910-1922/

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16]Ibid.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Gloucester Journal 21 September 1940.

[19] Barton, Gage Library.

[20] Ibid.

[21] South Wales Gazette 4 September 1942.

[22] Dean Forest Mercury 19 February 1943.

[23] Dean Forest Mercury 26 February 1943.

[24] Dean Forest Mercury 12 November 1943.

[25] Dean Forest Mercury 22 September 1944.

[26] Gloucester Citizen 25 June 1949.

[27] Barton, Gage Library.

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God’s Beautiful Sunshine

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YMeBNFWVsxo

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Transported Convicts (1789-1826) Uncategorized

Richard Aston

There is some confusion over which Richard Aston was transported and where he was born. The first piece of research below was done by Jennings and Evelyn Fish and Gill Webb and posted on Ancestry. However, the second piece of research below carried out by Huw Blake and posted on Ancestry highlights some inconsistencies and challenges their conclusions.

 

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Oliver Woore

Oliver Woore was born in 1803 and lived in Coleford where he worked as a stonemason. In September 1826 he was charged, with Mary Wheeler, of stealing two hives of bees and the honey therein from Thomas Hobbes but the evidence was not sufficient to indict them. On 2 April 1828, at the age of 25, he was sentenced to death commuted to life for the theft of one cask and 2 jars containing rum, brandy and peppermint from William Smith of the Rising Sun in Bream. After a spell on a hulk, the Justitia, he was transferred to the Vittoria which set sail for New South Wales on 1 Sept 1928 and arrived on 17 Jan 1829.