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Poor Law Relief and Miners’ Lockouts

 

In 1987, Ellen Jones, at the age of 89, wrote an article in the Forest of Dean Review called When Charlie Mason led the Miners, describing her experiences of the occupation of Westbury Workhouse during the 1926 miners’ lockout in the Forest of Dean. The occupation was in response to the cutting of relief to the families of locked-out miners in August 1926, leaving them with no means of support. Ellen wrote:

The miners’ leader was Charlie Mason of Brierley whose daughter is Winifred Foley, the author of A Child in the Forest. I don’t remember if he encouraged us or if we group of women and children of our own free will went to the Poor Law Institution at Westbury to try and get help for our men.

Some of us went very bravely – I with my two little girls and Jim, a baby in arms. While there we tried to make the best of it. One jolly woman would say. “Never mind girls – cheer up – I can smell bacon and eggs cooking for breakfast.” But no such luck! Just porridge!

The staff did their best for us down there but we couldn’t cope for long, so we all decided to return home. On the weary walk to Cinderford, we met our husbands coming down to bring us a bit of tea and sugar. The miners’ leader met me and asked if I would take my children into Cinderford Town Hall on the back way and when a roomful of people cheering and clapping, I felt quite a heroine!

This article explores the occupations, protests, and delegations linked to the provision of Poor Law relief for destitute miners and their families in the Forest of Dean. It examines the period beginning with the severe coal trade depression in late 1920, which led to a sharp rise in unemployment, and culminated in the 1926 miners’ lockout. 

The Boards of Guardians, who administered each Poor Law Union, held the statutory responsibility to provide relief to the destitute in the form of accommodation in a workhouse or outdoor relief in cash, vouchers or a loan. In the nineteenth century, the destitute could include strikers and their dependents but after 1900, the law forbade the giving of relief to strikers or locked-out workers but continued to allow the award of relief to their dependents.

The post-World War One economic depression and industrial strife which followed created significant financial strain on the Poor Law system, leading some Poor Law Unions to face bankruptcy due to the overwhelming demand for relief. This article highlights the challenges faced by the Poor Law system during this period of economic hardship and social unrest, as well as the evolving legal restrictions on who could receive public assistance.

The matter of relief became highly controversial during the 1921 and 1926 miners’ lockouts because widespread destitution in the coalfields threatened solidarity. During the protracted struggle of 1926, the determination of miners to resist the temptation to return to work inevitably depended upon their success in feeding themselves and their families. Consequently, the granting or withholding of relief to the families of locked-out men could alter the balance of power between the contending parties in the dispute.

This sometimes led to conflict between members of the Boards of Guardians within each Poor Law union because some were sympathetic to the labour movement and others were hostile. Boards of Guardians, where the majority were keen to support destitute miners and their families, often ran into conflict with the ratepayers who financed the relief and the government who were keen to end the lockouts.

In some areas, there were allegations that public funds were being used to finance strikes while in others it was alleged that relief was being deliberately withdrawn to force the men back to work.  The administration of poor law relief, therefore, increasingly became a political question as boards of guardians granted or withheld relief based on their views on the merits of the disputes and whether financial help should be provided for the miners and their families.

In the Forest of Dean, this conflict reflected the class dynamics among the main participants. Working-class Guardians like Ellen Hicks, Tom Liddington, Charles Luker, Albert Brookes, Charlie Mason, William Ayland, Harry Morse, Tim Brain and Abraham Booth argued for an interpretation of the Poor Law which could allow them to provide more financial aid to destitute members of their community. On the other hand, Guardians like Lady Mather Jackson and George Rowlinson argued for an interpretation of the Poor Law which reflected their hostility to the mining community.

The decision of the Westbury Board of Guardians in the Forest of Dean to be one of the first Boards in the country to refuse relief to destitute miners’ wives and children in the summer of 1926 during the lockout was highly controversial and was even possibly against the Ministry of Health guidelines. In response, miners’ wives and children occupied the workhouse in protest. The only other Boards of Guardians to take such extreme action in the summer of 1926 were Bolton and Lichfield.

In contrast, the dependents of miners from the majority of Poor Law Unions were provided with relief until the lockout was over in December 1926. The actions of the Westbury Board led to accusations that some of its Guardians were victimising the miners and supporting the colliery owners. This had a significant impact on the course of the lockout in the Forest where it achieved its aim of driving many miners back to work.

To place the debates in their historical context it is necessary to provide some background information on the Poor Law itself, the role of the Guardians, the significance of the legal rulings, the changing ways in which the Poor Law was administered and the crisis facing Guardians with rising unemployment and strikes in the 1920s. 

The Poor Law Act of 1834

Although Poor Law Unions in one form or another had existed since the late seventeenth century, a new form of Poor Law Union was set up under the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 which radically overhauled the system of providing support to the poor. 

The Poor Law Act of 1834 was based upon the assumption that relief to the poor should be such that no person receiving relief be in a more favourable position than the very lowest-paid worker. The principle was that of ‘deterrence’, and strict distinction was made between the so-called ‘undeserving poor’ usually the able-bodied who were able to work and the ‘deserving poor’ usually sick, disabled or elderly.

The authorities considered that work was generally available to all those willing to seek it and the failure to find work represented a moral failure on the part of the individual rather than a structural problem with the economy or high unemployment. The principle behind the Act was that relief be only offered to ‘the genuinely destitute’ while ‘unemployed malingerers’ would be forced back into the labour market. 

Poor Law Unions

Under the Poor Law Act, a national Poor Law Commission was established to oversee the grouping of local parishes into Poor Law Unions, which were financed by local rates. Each Union was centred on a town where a workhouse was situated or planned to be built, and usually covered about a ten-mile radius. There could be 30-40 parishes in each Union, and these sometimes extended across the county boundaries. The new Poor Law was meant to ensure that the poor were housed in workhouses where they were clothed and fed and by the 1860s all Unions had workhouses. Able-bodied single men would usually be denied outdoor relief but if the Guardians considered them ‘genuinely destitute’ they could be offered the option of entering the workhouse.

Therefore, workhouse inmates sometimes could include the able-bodied as well as the disabled, the mentally ill, the old, the sick and children who would receive some schooling. However, the conditions in workhouses were designed to deter any but the truly destitute from applying for relief. All workhouse paupers had to carry out work which involved boring, repetitive tasks such as cleaning, picking oakum, breaking stones, cutting timber, etc.[1] Consequently, the working classes hated and feared the workhouse and the stigma associated with pauperism.

As the nineteenth century progressed, the limited space available in workhouses meant that outdoor relief sometimes continued to be a cheaper alternative. Despite efforts to ban outdoor relief, the Guardians continued to offer it as a more cost-effective method of dealing with pauperism. 

Board of Guardians

In 1919, central supervision of the Poor Law system was given to the Ministry of Health. However day-to-day administration at the local level remained the responsibility of elected Boards of Guardians, with the financial burden of relief being shouldered not by the Exchequer but by local ratepayers.

Each Poor Law Union was run by a Board of Guardians which included ex-officio members and those elected by ratepayers from their constituent parishes. The Guardians were expected to finance their administration from public funds and local rates. Each civil parish in the Union was represented by at least one Guardian, with those with larger populations or special circumstances having two or more. In the period up to 1894, Guardians were subject to annual elections and could only be male property owners. The main duties of the Board of Guardians were overseeing relief to the poor, assessing applications for relief and setting up and maintaining a workhouse.

The Board of Guardians appointed permanent officers which included the master and/or matron who were responsible for running the workhouse on a day-to-day basis and the relieving officer who was responsible for evaluating the cases of people applying for relief and allocating funds or authorising entry to the workhouse. There could also be a medical officer, a clerk to the Guardians, a treasurer, a chaplain, and various other officers as deemed necessary.

Over the years, under various Acts, the Board of Guardians became responsible for other duties such as civil registration, sanitation, vaccination, school attendance, and the maintenance of infants separated from their parents.

In 1886, in response to the problem of unemployment, a circular to the Boards of Guardians from the government minister, Joseph Chamberlain, stated that there was a moral responsibility on Boards to provide work for the able-bodied unemployed during times of severe industrial depression. This led to the practice of opening Stone Yards or providing other tedious work. This system was hated by the poor because it usually meant the unemployed working long hours at back-breaking work for a mere pittance.

The Local Government Act 1894

Up to 1894, local parish councillors were elected by ratepayers in a system of weighted voting, with those owning more property having multiple votes. For instance, a cottager had just one vote while a farmer might have six or if he owned his farm, twelve. On the passing of the Local Government Act (1894), the multiple-vote system was abolished and a system of urban and rural districts with elected councils was created.

To be eligible for election or to vote, a person must be on the electoral register and have resided in the district for twelve months before the election. Women, non-ratepayers and those in receipt of Poor Law relief were permitted to vote and to be nominated as councillors. Separate Poor Law elections were limited to urban district councils while councillors from the newly established rural district councils elected Guardians from among themselves. The term of office of a Guardian was increased to three years. The Boards were permitted to co-opt a chairman, vice-chairman and up to two additional members from outside their own body. The Local Government Act of 1894 provided opportunities for the working class and female candidates to be elected onto the Boards of Guardians and elections were closely fought and increasingly politicised.

Forest of Dean Poor Law Unions

In the years leading up to the early nineteenth century, large parts of the extra-parochial Crown land in the Forest of Dean had been encroached upon by families building rudimentary cabins. However, after the 1831 riots, any long-established squatters who had encroached on Crown land were allowed to remain in their properties and many were given freehold status. As a result, in 1842, the extra-parochial area of the Forest was divided for Poor Law Act purposes into two townships East Dean and West Dean in Gloucestershire.

Following the Local Government Act 1894, the township of West Dean became a civil parish in the West Dean Rural District which also included the civil parishes of English Bicknor, Newland, and Staunton. The paupers in the West Dean Rural District were cared for by the Monmouth Board of Guardians and housed in the Monmouth Workhouse. The Monmouth Guardians were elected from about 30 Parishes in Monmouthshire, West Dean Rural District Council and the Coleford Urban District.

Likewise, in 1894, East Dean became a civil parish in the East Dean Rural District which included the 10 other Gloucestershire civil parishes and were grouped into the Westbury-on-Severn Poor Law Union.[[2] The paupers in the East Dean Rural District were cared for by the Westbury Board of Guardians and housed in the Westbury Workhouse. The Board of Guardians were elected from East Dean Rural District Council and the residents of the Urban Districts of Awre, Newnham, and Westbury (despite being classified as urban these districts were mainly rural).

In the case of the Westbury Board, all the Guardians were elected from parishes in Gloucestershire but some of these were from communities surrounding the mining areas whose primary industry was agriculture. There were approximately 35 Guardians on the Westbury Board, although not all of them could attend every meeting.

In addition to the two main Poor Law Unions impacting the Forest of Dean, there were the Chepstow and Ross Unions. The Chepstow Board of Guardians were responsible for the workhouse in Chepstow which was in Monmouthshire but covered several parishes in the West of the Forest of Dean including Hewesfield, St Briavels, Aylburton, Woolaston and Lydney Rural District as well as the 35 parishes in and around Chepstow. Similarly, the Ross Board of Guardians were responsible for the workhouse in Ross which was in Herefordshire but covered the Ruardean parish in the north of the Forest of Dean as well as the 28 parishes in and around Ross.

The various local authority bodies were responsible for collecting the rates and passing on a percentage to their Poor Law Unions.  However, the wealth of each Poor Law Union differed considerably depending on the rateable value of the properties. The largest town in the Westbury Poor Law Union was Cinderford where 80 per cent of the male adult population worked in the mines and where the housing stock was poor with low rateable value. Cinderford was part of East Dean Rural District. The highest proportion of the rates were paid by the colliery companies that owned the many mines surrounding the town.  The amount of rates the colliery owners paid was based on their annual production and so, during periods of low production or strikes, the rateable value would fall even further.

The significant conclusion that can be drawn from the organisation of Poor Law Relief in the Forest of Dean is that for Monmouth, Ross and Chepstow Poor Law Unions, most of the Guardians were elected from parishes outside of the Forest of Dean mining areas.  Consequently, these four Boards were dominated by members who were elected from rural areas and usually chaired by Tory members of the establishment, sometimes from aristocratic backgrounds. Most of these Guardians would have little understanding of or sympathy with the concerns of the Forest of Dean mining community.

In the case of Westbury, most of the Guardians were made up of farmers, employers, shopkeepers and business people and some of them were from the rural parishes surrounding the mining area which was concentrated around the town of Cinderford.

Liberals and the Guardians

In 1892, Charles Dilke was returned to parliament as a Liberal member for the Forest of Dean.  Dilke became a popular MP and an independent thinker, ready to defy the party whip on labour issues in support of the Forest miners. He soon built up a close relationship with members of the mining community and their organisations. This helped to consolidate the Liberal consensus within the mining community in the Forest to Dean. Dominant Liberals within the mining community at this time included:

  • Sidney Elsom, President of the Forest of Dean Free Miners Association.
  • George Rowlinson, the agent for the Forest of Dean Miners Association (FDMA)
  • Martin Perkins, a miner, and the President of the FDMA.[3]
  • Richard Baker, a miner, and a long-term activist within the FDMA.

All these men were supporters of the more radical wing of the Liberal Party. They worked closely with Dilke and other Liberals to challenge the influence of the Tory Party and their aristocratic representatives on local authority bodies including the Boards of Guardians and sought to represent the interests of the working classes. Rowlinson was initially elected to the Westbury Board in 1887.

In April 1893, Sidney Elsom was elected to the Monmouth Board of Guardians representing West Dean, polling the highest vote (767 votes) and beating local colliery owner Thomas Deakin (597 votes).[4] He went on to be elected chairman of the Board in 1902, a position he held until just before he died in 1919. Elsom was fond of attacking the aristocracy:

There might have been some who labelled the miners, and men like them, as the residuum, the dregs, the scum but the most striking distinction between ourselves and our ‘noble’ alumniators is this – we have to toil day after day, year after year, work hard, live hard, and still remain poor, while they, as a rule, spend a life of idleness.[5]

Elsom’s election represented a shift in the political landscape in the Forest and provided an opportunity for ‘working men’ to have a voice. William Ayland who was a haulier and general labourer was elected in 1893, representing Westbury Urban District Council on the Westbury Board along with several other ‘working men’.[6] The Gloucester Journal obituary of Ayland in 1934 argues:

He was a guardian of the poor and not of the Poor Law. His intimate knowledge of the entire population of poor folk would influence this. Nobody got any relief unless they applied, but doubtless many applications were due to William’s prompting.[7]

The photo is from the The Forest of Dean in Old Photographs, second edition, by Humphrey Phelps. The credit for the photo in Phelps’s book is A Ayland.

In 1893, Perkins, an East Dean Rural District councillor, was elected to the Westbury Board of Guardians, remaining in that role until 1895. Other working-class members who were successful in being elected to the Westbury Board in 1893 were Richard Baker, John Watkins, John Beddis and Fred MacAvoy. In 1895 George Rowlinson was elected as a councillor to East Dean Rural District Council and then to the Westbury Board of Guardians.  Rowlinson continued in his role as a Board member, becoming Vice-chair in 1917 and chair in 1920. 

These men were very much in the minority on the Board and would encounter deep vested interests when attempting to make any changes or challenge the authority of the ruling elites. The clerk, who worked for the Westbury Board, was Maurice Carter. Roger Deeks has pointed out that:

Carter was the son of a solicitor and nephew of Richard Carter, Mayor of Gloucester. His family had a long involvement in the execution of the Poor Law. He came to Newnham on Severn to practise law when he was 22 years of age, in 1848. Two years later he was appointed Clerk to the Westbury on Severn Board of Guardians responsible for the Poor Law and managing the Westbury workhouse, a post he held until 1903. In parallel he was appointed Clerk to the Newnham Justices in 1863, a post he held for 42 years, and in 1868, the post of Coroner he held for 39 years. Carter had a hugely influential position over life and death in the Forest of Dean particularly for the old, sick, disabled and unemployed.[8]

Merthyr Tydfil Judgment

As a result of a legal ruling made in 1900, called the Merthyr Tydfil Judgment, Guardians were not allowed to grant relief to destitute able-bodied men (strikers, locked-out workers or the unemployed) if work was available to them.[9]

The ruling followed a protest by one of the largest ratepayers in Merthyr, the Powell-Dyffryn Company, complaining that during the South Wales Miners’ strike of 1898, the Merthyr Guardians granted relief to strikers. The judgement of the Court of Appeal in Attorney-General v. Merthyr Tydfil Guardians (1900) set the precedent:

Where the applicant for relief is able-bodied and physically capable of work, the grant of relief to him is unlawful if work is available for him, or he is thrown on the Guardians through his own act or consent, and penalties are provided by law in case of failure to support dependents, though the Guardians may lawfully relieve such dependents if they are in fact destitute.

As a result of the ruling, striking or locked-out miners were now considered by the authorities not to be destitute because they were deemed to have refused work. However, the ruling stated Guardians were required to relieve the wives, children and widowed mothers of the striking men if they were destitute, but not the men themselves.

The allocation of relief to the wives and children of men involved in an industrial dispute meant the relief would also be shared with the man. Since the Boards offered different amounts of relief, the degree to which the families of locked-out miners were supported varied from district to district. However, the ruling severely impacted the well-being of single unemployed men.

The ruling over whether strikers, locked-out workers or the unemployed were refusing work available was interpreted differently by different Boards. The ruling allowed the relief of a man involved in an industrial dispute if they became so reduced by want and destitution that they were incapable of work in which case they could be admitted to the workhouse. If this was the case a doctor may be asked to provide a medical certificate. However, incapacity to work was interpreted differently by different Boards and doctors.

The Labour Party

From about 1908, branches of socialist organisations such as the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and the British Socialist Party were formed in the Forest of Dean and started to challenge the influence of the Liberal Party, arguing for Labour candidates in local and national elections.

In 1912, Ellen Hicks, a member of the ILP, was elected as a Monmouth Poor Law Guardian for the Coleford Urban District Council.  In 1917, Tom Liddington, also a member of the ILP, was elected to represent Coleford on the Monmouth Board of Guardians.[10]

During the First World War, a small number of younger men had gained positions on the FDMA Executive. They argued against the policies of moderation and conciliation pursued by Rowlinson, who, in the period before the war, opposed attempts by the FDMA to affiliate with the Labour Party. Rowlinson was finally voted out of office by the Forest of Dean miners in early 1918 over his hostility to the Labour Party, his support for the conscription of miners and his failure to support his members during industrial disputes.[11] He was replaced by Herbert Booth, a young socialist miner from Nottinghamshire. Rowlinson was hostile to the newly formed Labour Party and the new Executive of the FDMA which was made up of younger men.

At the end of May 1918, James Wignall, an official of the Dockers Union from Swansea, was adopted as the Forest of Dean Labour candidate at a meeting attended by over 70 delegates and with the full support of the FDMA. In November 1918, Wignall, defeated the Liberal candidate, Sir Harry Webb and became the first Forest of Dean Labour MP.

In about 1920, Charles Luker was elected as a Labour member on West Dean Rural District Council and then onto the Monmouth Board of Guardians. Luker worked at Princess Royal colliery and was on the FDMA Executive.[12] This meant that by 1921 there were three socialists on the Monmouth Board from the Forest of Dean; Luker, Hicks and Liddington.

In 1919, Frank Ashmead, an ex-miner with a history of long-term activism within the FDMA and now working for the cooperative bakery, was elected to the Westbury Board.[13] In 1920, Rowlinson was elected chair of the Westbury Board but sat as a Liberal and later as an independent, still refusing to join the Labour Party and becoming increasingly alienated from the mining community.

Frank Ashmead (Credit: Dean Forest Mercury)1920s

World War One exacerbated the divergence of class interests in British society and eroded the prevailing pre-war liberal notions of a classless society and a commonality of interest among those who sought to represent the interests of the working class. In 1919 and 1920 an upsurge in working-class militancy spread across the nation.

However, at the end of 1920, there were clear signs of a crisis ahead as the average price of export coal fell from £4 to about £2 a ton and unemployment in the coal industry rose to 20 per cent.[14] The crisis spread to other industries and in 1921 Britain entered a period of severe economic depression. The unemployment rate among all workers climbed to 23.4% by May 1921 reaching a figure of 2,171,000 by June 1921.[15] From there, it never fully recovered, remaining over 10% in almost every month of the 1920s.

The collapse of the post-war boom reflected Britain’s decline as the ‘Workshop of the World’. The industries on which Britain’s export trade was based suffered the most and so the steam coal regions which exported their coal were hit hard.[16] This created an uneven distribution of mass unemployment and had two consequences. One was the sharp geographical polarisation of employment patterns. The other significant feature was the very high level of long-term (i.e. more than six months) unemployment. 

As a result, in the 1920s, the Poor Law Unions entered a state of crisis as the demands on the Guardians increased with a corresponding increase in the pressure on the rating system to finance its obligations and this led to conflict between the interests of the poor and those of the wealthier ratepayers. The problem arose because of the unprecedented rise in the numbers of those receiving Poor Relief due to unemployment, poverty and industrial unrest, particularly in the coal mining districts. Between 1914 and 1922, the number relieved in England and Wales was as follows:[17]

Date Number Relieved
August 1914 619,000
November 1918 450,000
July 1921: 1,363,121
March 1922 1,490,996
September 1922 2,500,000

In addition, up to 1920, relief was rarely given to able-bodied men, but after 1920 the traditional safeguards against providing unconditional relief to the unemployed by insisting on a place in the workhouse and/or to be engaged in a menial work collapsed. The flood of applications received by the Guardians in the 1920s were not from traditional paupers, the sick or disabled but from able-bodied unemployed men with families to support.

The stigma attached to pauperism began to collapse and increasing numbers of destitute unemployed men and women sought relief from the Guardians.  As the number claiming relief rose it became apparent that all of these could not all be housed in the workhouses. In addition, for some, it was also no longer politically acceptable to refuse outdoor relief to the unemployed, particularly as many were World War One veterans. Consequently, it became much more common to support families with outdoor relief. In 1920, there were never less than a million recipients of outdoor relief, and of these, one in four were able-bodied.

At the same time, the 1920s saw significant changes in the composition of local Boards in numerous industrial towns and cities. Traditionally dominated by representatives of the property-owning classes, some Boards experienced a shift in their composition as the influence of the labour movement grew. In many cases, representatives of the property-owning classes lost, or nearly lost, their predominance.

Labour movement-dominated Boards had a majority of Labour Party members some of whom were also trade union members or officials and often sympathetic to workers on strike.  Boards of Guardians, where Labour members held a majority, typically managed their duties toward the poor with sympathy and even generosity within the confines of the law but sometimes overlooked the interests of local ratepayers.

However, the Guardians were still expected to operate within guidelines laid down by the Ministry of Health but how each Board responded to the crisis varied considerably from district to district. Some boards, particularly those with a labour movement majority, abandoned any attempt to set in place menial work for the able-bodied unemployed and argued that the burden of unemployment should be borne nationally and not thrust upon poor districts with high levels of unemployment and lower income from rates.

The Insurance Act of 1920

To understand the dilemma of the Poor Law Unions in the 1920s, it is necessary to look at the degree to which the system of insurance for the unemployed had developed by this time, and how this had changed social attitudes towards the able-bodied poor.

From November 1920, the new Unemployment Insurance Act covered 12 million workers and provided unemployment benefits to some of those without work.  Under the Act an employee paid 4 pennies (d) a week, the employer paid 4d and the State paid 2d. In return, the unemployed insured man could receive 15 shillings (s) a week (2s 6d a day) and the unemployed insured woman 12s a week for fifteen weeks a year.  However, there were stringent conditions:

  • The claimant was only entitled to one week of payment for every six weeks of contributions. This meant that claimants could run out of benefit entitlement.
  • The claimant was required to be out of work for more than three days but this was later increased to six days. This meant it was difficult for part-time or temporary workers to meet the qualifying period.
  • If these conditions were not met, the unemployed could ask the Guardians for means-tested relief and given the high level of unemployment among both insured and uninsured workers this became increasingly common.

The role of unemployment benefits was originally intended to supplement the resources of workers during brief spells out of work. They were not designed to support the chronically unemployed. Soon after unemployment insurance coverage was extended, mass unemployment set in. When the 1920 Unemployment Insurance Act came into effect the unemployment rate was 3.7% in the insured industries, barely six months later in June 1921 it was 22.4%.[18]

The Depression of 1921 set the tone for the inter-war years when the average rate of unemployment was 14 per cent of the insured workforce.[19] The persistence of high levels of chronic unemployment undermined the basic principle behind the 1920 Act which assumed that claimants received unemployment benefits as a right but for a limited period having previously paid contributions towards their benefits.

The Poplar Rates Rebellion

The inequalities of the rating system of local government finance became starkly apparent in the 1920s with the rise of mass unemployment, particularly in mining areas. Those councils with the highest unemployment usually had the lowest rateable values, Consequently, they were under pressure to raise the rates in response to increasing social distress. This was a key issue underlying the struggles of some Labour councils, which brought them into legal conflict with the government in this period, most famously in the London borough of Poplar in 1921.

The Poplar Rates rebellion in East London in 1921 was a product of the increasing economic pressure on local authorities and Boards of Guardians in poor communities with high unemployment, leading to high local rates to fund services and the Poor Law. In early 1921, the Labour-controlled council and the Guardians in Poplar agreed to avoid cutting services or increasing rates by refusing to collect and pay the ‘precept rate’ that it was required to give to the London County Council and other cross-London bodies. The councillors knew this was illegal but believed that defying an unfair funding system was better than cutting much-needed services, including relief for the unemployed, or increasing rates to unaffordable levels.

On 29 July 1921, five thousand people marched from Poplar to support their rebel councillors at the High Court on the Strand. The judge told the councillors that they must pay the precepts or go to prison indefinitely for contempt of court. The councillors refused to collect the precepts, and at the start of September 1921, the sheriff arrested thirty of them, taking five women councillors to Holloway Prison and twenty-five men to Brixton Prison.

Poplar Rates Rebellion (Credit:https://poplarlondon.co.uk/100-years-celebration-poplar-rates-rebellion/ )

The councillors continued their campaign and even held official council meetings in prison. Supporters held daily demonstrations while Stepney and Bethnal Green councils also voted to refuse to pay the precepts. In mid-October, the government conceded, arranged for the councillors’ release, and quickly passed a law reforming London’s local government funding, making rich boroughs contribute more, and sharing the cost of maintaining the poor.

The Poplar rebellion had very clearly demonstrated that there were no effective legal remedies to force local councils to obey the law. It was difficult for the government to simply take over the running of such councils, and the only recourse was to surcharge the councillors individually to try and force them to back down, and failing that, to send them to prison. In Poplar, this only made martyrs of the councillors and amplified the significance of their protest, to the discomfort of both the government and the national leadership of the Labour Party.

In some Poor Law Unions where Guardians from the labour movement were in the majority, the granting of unconditional and relatively generous relief to the unemployed during this period was motivated by more than a natural desire to defend the living standards of working-class families. There emerged a general strategy aimed at forcing central government to accept responsibility for the relief of the unemployed. Militant and ideologically motivated defiance of central government policy in matters of Poor Law administration spread to neighbouring East End Unions and then into the mining districts where labour movement members often dominated the Boards of Guardians.

The Poplar Rates Protest gave rise to what became known as ‘Poplarism’ – a polemical epithet used by Conservatives to refer to high-spending, left-wing Poor Law Guardians in the 1920s. Poplarism represented a small but significant change in the balance of institutional power at the local level which would have a significant impact on whole communities during the 1921 and 1926 miners’ lockouts.

1921 Lockout

In 1921, the response from the government and the owners to the depression in the coal trade was to allow ruthless competition to take its toll. They argued they had no alternative but to resolve the economic crisis in the coal industry by radically reducing labour costs, which, in the Forest of Dean, translated into wage cuts of up to 50 per cent. The miners refused to go to work under these new terms and downed tools. As a result, on 31 March 1921, one million British miners were locked out of their pits including many war veterans and over 6,000 miners from the Forest of Dean.[20]

Most mining families had little savings, particularly as many had only been working part-time for several months due to the depression, and so within a week, some families had run out of money and food. In many mining districts, local mining associations advised their members to claim outdoor relief and consequently in most districts relief was awarded to miners’ families (wives, children and mothers) with the sanction of the Ministry of Health.

The relief was usually offered in the form of a loan to the dependents of locked-out miners and typical amounts were 15s for a wife and 3s for each child. Issuing relief as a loan rather than a grant was one way the Guardians could reduce their expenditure. Some of the Boards, in particular those which had a majority of Guardians who were members of the labour movement, paid out more. This was the case for South Shields Guardians where the scale was £1 5s for a wife 5s for the first child and 4s 6d for the second, etc.[21]

However, in the Forest of Dean, the FDMA was at a disadvantage because it felt there was little hope that the local Boards of Guardians, which were dominated by Tory members, would be sympathetic to hundreds of miners and their families claiming outdoor relief. Consequently, the FDMA arranged for food vouchers to be issued as loans from the local Cooperative Societies and traders. But, before the vouchers could be issued some families turned to the Guardians and asked for relief.

Monmouth and Westbury

At the monthly meeting of the Monmouth Board of Guardians, some colliers, including some who were ex-soldiers, and their families presented themselves for relief, arguing they were on the point of starvation. One of the Guardians T.W. King, said:

If this is a land fit for heroes to live in, are we going to put men in the workhouse after they went out and fought for us?[22]

Fortunately for the applicants with families Charles Luker, a locked-out miner, and Tom Liddington argued for a temporary loan. As a result, several families were lent 15s per wife and 2s 6d for each child to help them out until they were issued with traders’ coupons.[23]

Charles Luker in 1927 (Credit Sungreen)

Up to 1921, the chair of the Westbury Board was Sir Russell Kerr, a local aristocrat and staunch Conservative. In March 1921, Kerr resigned and was replaced by George Rowlinson, the ex-FDMA agent, who sat as an independent. William Ayland and Frank Ashmead were now Labour members. Other Labour members were Tim Brain and Abraham Booth.

Brain was employed as a deputy at Cannop Colliery (which is a colliery official charged with the supervision of safety, the ventilation of the workings, the inspection of timber work, etc). He was elected as a Labour councillor on East Dean District Council in 1919 and, at the same time, he was elected as a member of the Westbury Board of Guardians. In 1922, he was elected as a County Councillor for Drybrook when he was described by the Dean Forest Mercury as belonging to “the extreme section of the Labour Party”.[24] .

Booth worked as an insurance agent for a Friendly Society and was the son of a coal miner from Yorkshire. His daughter was married to a coal miner from Cinderford. In 1919, he was elected as a Labour member of East Dean Rural District Council and then onto the Westbury Board of Guardians.  The remaining 30 odd members were mainly from middle or upper-class backgrounds.

There is no record of the Westbury, Chepstow or Ross Boards issuing relief to the families of locked-out miners during the 1921 lockout.

Unemployment

The lockout ended after 12 weeks when, on Monday 27 June, the MFGB advised the men to return to work and accept the reduction in pay. Some had to wait several weeks before they could return, while repairs were carried out to pits damaged by flooding and rock falls. On Monday 4 July, at one Labour Exchange alone, Lydbrook in the Forest of Dean, over 300 men registered as unemployed with more registering the following day.[25]  However, the government announced that men who were unemployed because of damage to their pits due to the lockout could not receive unemployment benefits.

At a meeting of the Westbury Board of Guardians on 28 June 1921, Mr Long, the Relieving Officer, reported that he had recently been before the Auditor, who had impressed upon him that no relief could legally be given to families where the collier husband was out of work because of the lockout.[26]

The FDMA agent Herbert Booth spent much of his time over the summer months supporting his members in their attempt to make benefit claims.[27]  In the summer of 1921, there were 50,000 unemployed miners in South Wales out of a total of 250,000. Many Forest of Dean miners who were working in South Wales returned home, swelling the ranks of the unemployed in the Forest. Despite this, the population of the Forest of Dean fell after 1921 as people moved away to get work in other areas.[28]

The Forest of Dean miners also had to face another consequence of the lockout which had left the FDMA massively in debt, owing over £27,000 in credit coupons to local retailers. This was exacerbated by a loss of membership from about 7000 to 1500.

Outdoor Relief

An additional burden on the unemployed resulted from the government’s decision to extend the qualifying time before providing unemployment benefits from three to six days. The only alternative for people who were not entitled to unemployment benefits was means-tested outdoor relief, under the Poor Law. Claiming Poor Law relief would have been very humiliating for unemployed miners, some of whom were World War One veterans. In any case, relief could still be refused by the relieving officer, who could claim the rules stated they could not offer relief to those who were unemployed because of the damage to their pits because of the lockout. In one case at Westbury, Booth pleaded with the Guardians to provide boots for children so they could attend school, but this was also refused. However, the Monmouth Board of Guardians agreed to offer relief to those in extreme distress as a loan.[29]

As the depression deepened, some miners were permanently laid off, and others were offered only two or three days of work a week. Harry Toomer described the system:

You had to listen for the hooter every night and every pit had its hooter and everybody knew their own pit’s sound of hooter. And if there was no work the next day, they would give loud blasts on the hooter for minutes on end – no work tomorrow … that was called a play day.[30]

If they were out of work for more than six days, they were able to claim benefits. However, a miner who worked, for instance, only six days in six weeks may not have been entitled to a single penny of benefit, simply because he could not show the necessary waiting period of six days of unemployment.[31]

Others who were unemployed had exhausted their benefit under the rules of the Act. Other unemployed applicants were refused benefits because they were not considered to be genuinely seeking work, not formerly insurable or otherwise not able to comply with the conditions for receiving benefits.  Some presented themselves at Westbury and Monmouth Boards of Guardians asking for relief but, as a rule, the most the Guardians could offer was a one-off temporary loan.[32]

Unemployment among insured workers in the Forest of Dean 1920 -1921 and total population in 1921

Date Cinderford Area Coleford Area Lydney Area Newnham Area Total
September 1920[33] Total for Cinderford, Coleford and Lydney 29
January 1921[34] 107 66 264 26 463
November 1921[35] 2233 473 999 142 3847
Total Population in 1921[36] 20,494 17,431 9,842 4,029 51,796

The figures mainly refer to those in receipt of unemployment benefits and therefore are insured workers who have met the qualifying conditions. Some of these may have been working part-time but still were able to claim benefits.[37] The figures do not include most women (uninsured), children, the elderly, the disabled, striking miners, miners unemployed because of an industrial dispute and unemployed uninsured workers. Unemployment among miners was comparatively low in August and September because, when the miners returned to work after the lockout, coal was needed to replenish stocks. However, the demand for coal was only temporary and, as the depression deepened, unemployment grew until 1924 when there was a temporary rise in demand for coal.

The Guardians struggled to cope with the demand for relief. The chair of the Monmouth Board, aristocrat Lady Mather Jackson, had little idea of the distress existing in the Forest of Dean.  Mather-Jackson was the wife of Sir Henry Mather-Jackson, 3rd Baronet, who held extensive business interests in mining and railway infrastructure.[38]

However, some Board members were shocked at the state of destitution of some of the miners claiming relief. Most believed they should not let women and children starve. Although some, such as William Burdess, the under manager at Princess Royal colliery, were less sympathetic and relief was sometimes refused to miners who had been involved in the lockout. Among the twenty-five Guardians on the Monmouth Board were Forest of Dean Labour Party representatives Charles Luker, Tom Liddington and Ellen Hicks, who spoke up on behalf of the miners by arguing for a system of loans.

Photo of William Burdess (Credit Dean Heritage Centre)

At Westbury, Rowlinson argued that the Board received no money from the central government and all the money available had to be raised from the local rates. However, other Guardians in other districts had successfully applied for loans from the Ministry of Health or arranged overdrafts with their bank. At Westbury, the Board agreed to only offer relief for two weeks at a time for those in extreme distress. Otherwise, applicants could be offered a loan or a place in the workhouse.

In November 1921, a Guardian on the Westbury Board argued that it would be unfair to offer relief to the unemployed while many local miners were working two or three days of work a week and earning only 25s a week. In response, a miner who had just returned from South Wales (see the table below) responded:

There are thousands who are living in a state of privation, although they are at work, and if they would give me only two or three shifts a week at the colliery, I shall have to share their fate. As it is, I am absolutely destitute, without the assistance I have had, I am not going to see my wife and children starve. They can put me behind bars before that shall happen, and that is a terrible thing for a man to say who has always led a straight life and who has references from South Wales of many years standing.[39] He went on to explain that he was planning to walk back to South Wales to pursue his claim for unemployment benefits.

Some cases heard before the Monmouth and Westbury Board in September 1921.

Board of Guardians Applicant Dependents Unemployment Benefit Decision
Monmouth.[40] Unemployed miner. Wife and six children. Claim for unemployment benefit rejected. A loan of 25s a week.
Monmouth.[41] Miner earning 30s a week part-time. Wife and six children. Claim for unemployment benefit rejected. A loan of 6s a week.
Westbury.[42] Unemployed miner. Wife and six children. In receipt of 15s a week unemployment benefit. A loan of 20s a week.
Westbury.[43] Destitute single man who worked at Lightmoor before the lockout. None. Claim for unemployment benefit rejected. Offered a place in the workhouse.
Westbury.[44] Unemployed miner from South Wales with family living in the Forest. Wife and two children. Claim for unemployment benefit rejected. A loan of 25s a week.
Milkwall Charity Committee in 1914 with the chairman, Tom Liddngton, in the front at the centre with the hat. (Credit Sungreen).

The Coleford and West Dean Unemployed Committee

In September 1921, a committee of the unemployed was formed in West Dean to provide solidarity and support for those forced into poverty. The Coleford and West Dean Unemployed Committee’s main objectives were to support the unemployed in obtaining unemployment benefits or relief at the Board of Guardians and to lobby the authorities for work schemes for the unemployed with rates of pay based on trade Union conditions of work.

Two of the main organisers of the committee were Tom Liddington and William Hoare, a miner from Bream. Hoare was among the most vocal in the campaigns against poverty and unemployment, as the broader community rallied around to provide support.[45]

Similar unemployed committees had sprung up throughout the country, and many were affiliated to the National Unemployed Workers Movement which was set up by the newly formed Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). On Tuesday 13 September 1921, a demonstration of 3000 men, women and children marched with banners from the Market Square to the workhouse in Gloucester, demanding work or maintenance. As a result, Gloucester Council, with the aid of a grant from central government, provided relief work, such as stone breaking and road works, for about 400 men. They were offered a basic maintenance allowance of 15s for a single adult, 30s for married couples, 5s for each of the first four children and 2s. 6d. for each remaining child.[46]

In September, the police baton-charged marches of the unemployed in Bristol and other major cities and this was repeated at Trafalgar Square in October, resulting in the death of one of the demonstrators.[47]

On Saturday 1 October, a public meeting was organised by the Coleford and West Dean Unemployed Committee in Coleford. The main speakers were Tom Liddington, Reverend John Putterill and Charles Drake. Putterill was ordained as a deacon and now worked as a curate at Coleford. He had worked in the East End of London and unusually for an Anglican curate he was a supporter of the communist cause. His speech mixed religious metaphors with communist idealism:

The capitalist system depended on unemployment and those who owned made slaves of those that did not. The position of the workers of this country was that of the Israelites in Egypt – they were absolute slaves – and if they wanted their freedom, they would fight for it.

Charles Drake, a long-standing Liberal councillor on Coleford Urban Council, put forward the following resolution which was passed unanimously:

This meeting of the unemployed men in Coleford and West Dean calls upon the local authority to bring pressure to bear on the government to introduce schemes of a socially useful character to meet the needs of the situation, the costs to be defrayed by grants from the National Exchequer and not to fall upon local rates.[48]

The following Thursday, 6 October, a delegation of unemployed miners and quarry workers lobbied the West Dean Rural District Council to introduce work schemes for the unemployed. William Hoare, the chairman of the deputation, said the unemployed of the district would prefer relief in the form of work and wages rather than depend on unemployment benefit of 15s a week or relief from the Guardians, which could lead them into semi-starvation. The council responded positively and committed themselves to endeavouring to do everything in their power to gain government funding for work schemes.

On Friday 14 October, Hoare led another deputation of unemployed miners from West Dean to place demands in front of the Monmouth Board of Guardians, which was chaired by Lady Mather Jackson. The deputation had to walk from Coleford and, as a result, was late. At first, the Board were reluctant to see them but the Labour Party members of the Board, Liddington, Luker and Hicks, argued that it would be a wasted journey for hungry men if they were refused an opportunity to present their case. Hicks who lived in Coleford informed the meeting that she had:

Seen men walking about hungry. There are men in the district who do have not enough to eat.[49]

Liddington said the men could not wait for another month for the next meeting and in the end, the Board agreed to hear the deputation’s representatives. Hoare spoke on behalf of the men, arguing they needed adequate maintenance until the government could implement its work schemes and said:

Are you aware that while the grass is growing the horse is starving? … they had been forced to come there to seek maintenance till such time as schemes were put into operation. They were unemployed through no fault of their own – they considered the present situation was due to the utter breakdown of the capitalist system.[50]

Hoare said maintenance should be a living wage and they said they would take any work provided it was paid at trade union rates.[51] The Board members responded by arguing that the wage rates would be set nationally and would be considerably below trade union rates. Some of the miners said they would rather starve than ask for relief. In the end, the Board passed a motion urging the government to fund a scheme repairing roads and developing waterworks in the West Dean area. They added that relief would be awarded at the usual rate and according to merit. A member of the deputation ended the discussion by saying, “We want work, we don’t want doles”.

On 15 November, Wignall joined a deputation from East and West Dean District Councils and Coleford Urban Council in a visit to London to lobby the relevant government departments to establish work schemes.[52] On 9 December 1921, the Dean Forest Mercury reported that Sir Percival Marling had complained about the sight of unemployed ex-servicemen hanging around the towns and villages of Gloucestershire. He suggested that the government should introduce work schemes for the unemployed to get them off the street.[53] Discussions on a variety of schemes for the unemployed in the Forest of Dean took place over the next two years, but none were implemented at this time.

The Government Responds

During 1921 and 1922, it became apparent that many men had not achieved the necessary entitlement to claim unemployment benefit, causing more destitution. Relief money was raised through the rates and the lockout meant that the collecting of rates was hampered by the level of poverty in the community. Consequently, as the demand for relief grew, more Boards of Guardians had to apply to banks for loans. In November 1921, the Ministry of Health set up a committee to consider applications for loans from those Boards of Guardian that were so overwhelmed by applications for relief that they were unable to perform their statutory duties.

In addition, successive governments in the 1920s were obliged to introduce Extended or Transitional Benefits to allow insured workers who had exhausted their right to unemployment benefit to continue drawing benefits. The political imperative was that insured workers (often male, skilled and unionised) could not be reduced to pauperism without incurring the threat of political unrest. There were over twenty amendments to the insurance scheme to this effect in the 1920s such that at any time after 1921 over half those drawing benefits were not qualified under the 1920 Act.

For instance, in April 1922 the government introduced an Act to allow for the payment of uncovenanted benefits for an extra period of up to five weeks at a time for those who did not qualify. The Act also introduced the concept of a gap which meant that the unemployed would be without benefits for a gap of five weeks before being provided with benefits for another five weeks. However, this still meant that many of the unemployed were required to apply to the Guardians for relief every five weeks. The gap policy was in operation until July 1923.

John Williams

In March 1922 Herbert Booth handed in his notice as the agent for the FDMA and was replaced by John Williams, a 34-year-old miner from the Garw Valley in South Wales. Williams’s first task was to set about rebuilding the FDMA after the defeat of 1921. In 1924, the depression in the coal trade slackened and by 1925 Williams had rebuilt the FDMA from about 1300 members to nearly one hundred per cent membership of 6500 by 1925.

John Williams in 1927 (Credit Richard Burton Archives)

In December 1922, Williams organised a reception for about 30 miners who were part of a contingent of unemployed miners returning from London. They had walked from South Wales to London on a hunger March which was organised by the National Unemployed Workers Committee. Williams helped to arrange for them to stay at the Westbury workhouse overnight where they were given supper and breakfast before proceeding homeward the following day.[54]

Despite the depression in the coal trade easing in 1924, there were still many miners out of work and some were forced to appeal to the Guardians for help. During a discussion at the meeting of the Monmouth Board of Guardians, in early December 1925, Mr C. Lipsoomb argued that the unemployed should be forced to move to districts where there was work.  Mather-Jackson said:

they should encourage young men who wanted to go abroad to work, but she did not think any of them would like to compel men to go abroad.[55]

A Forest of Dean Guardain, Mr Nelms, reponded:

I am on the dole myself. It is not nice to be accused that you are not willing to work. There were, he added, some men among all classes who would not work. He urged the development of the land in the Forest of Dean.[56]

Mason and Brain

In 1922, Charles Mason joined Tim Brain on East Dean District Council when he was also elected to represent Drybrook as Labour councillor.[57]   Mason worked at Cannop colliery as a collier and was an active member of the FDMA representing Cannop on the FDMA Executive Committee. Brain still worked at Cannop in a supervisory role as a deputy.

East Dean District Council was chaired by George Rowlinson and Mason and Brain became good close friends and political allies. Their focus was on fighting for the rights of the poorer people in their community. In April 1923, the Dean Forest Mercury reported that:

A motion was brought forward that the Council consider the question of wages unskilled labourers are paid by the Council, the mover being Mr. C. E. Mason with Mr. T. J. Brain seconding. An amendment referring the matter to the Finance Committee was, however, passed. It was stated that the present wage was 36s per week.

In 1923 they were both elected to the Westbury Board of Guardians. Mason and Brain immediately came into conflict with some of the older members of the Board. They were keen to represent the interests of the residents but often got a hostile response from the chairman, Gorge Rowlinson. On 12 November 1924, the Gloucestershire Echo reported:

Mr. C. E. Mason, at a meeting Tuesday of the Westbury-on-Severn Guardians, reported that some of the old man had confided in him that for more than a month both meat and bread were deficient as to quantity and quality, whilst vegetables – potatoes chiefly – had been scarce. Mr Mason suggested the complaint deserves an inquiry. Three old men—one on crutches—came before the board, and bore out Mr, Mason’s statement. The Chairman (Mr G. H. Rowlinson) and several guardians said that such a serious complaint could not be allowed to pass unchallenged, and at the Chairman’s suggestion the house committee was instructed to hold an inquiry The Chairman said that he had himself dined off the ordinary menu, which ought to satisfy anyone.

By the beginning of 1926, the depression in the coal trade had deepened again and unemployment increased. Many Boards of Guardians in mining districts were in debt to the government because of loans from the Ministry of Health, causing some Unions to become close to bankruptcy. However, some Boards of Guardians in working-class areas continued to earn the Ministry of Health’s disapproval by granting unconditional outdoor relief to the unemployed and adopting what was regarded as over-generous scales of relief.

However, the number of labour movement-dominated Boards during the 1920s never exceeded 50 out of 620. [58] The Forest of Dean Boards provided only a minimum amount of relief and were reluctant to get into debt and did not apply for loans. Consequently, the action of the more militant Board members in mining districts in the North East and South Wales would inspire some Labour Party members on the Forest of Dean Boards to argue for a similar stand during the 1926 lockout.

The 1926 Lockout

On 1 May 1926, having refused to accept an increase in hours and a reduction in pay, one million miners across Britain were locked out again. This included nearly 6500 miners from the Forest of Dean and it was not long before their families became destitute. Nationally, the increase in Outdoor Relief rose between September 1925 and September 1926 from 123 per 10,000 of the population to 452 per 10,000 which was equivalent to 1,757,124 people.[59]

On 5 May the Ministry of Health sent out a circular (703) which confirmed that under the Merthyr ruling, no relief was available to able-bodied single men unless they were destitute and physically incapable of work, in which case they could only be offered a bed in the workhouse. The Merthyr ruling stated that the dependents of striking miners such as wives, children under fourteen and widowed mothers could be helped if they were in severe need. Circular 703 also added that the Guardians should not be concerned with the merits of the dispute.

The ruling was particularly problematic for single men who often lived in lodgings or with family members, and so became dependent on the families with whom they lived, adding an extra burden to those households. Single men who were solitary migrants from other parts of the country and lived on their own were particularly vulnerable. This meant that many single miners who had emigrated to South Wales returned to the Forest to be supported by their families.

The government was aware that any relief for wives and children could be shared with their locked-out men so they were determined to limit the amount of relief available. Circular 703 made recommendations as to the maximum amount of relief that the Boards of Guardians should give. Legally, the government had no power to do more than recommend. The suggestion was that relief should not exceed 12s for a wife and 4s for each child.

“Children” is generally taken to mean children under fourteen and any child who had left school and had gone to work or sought work was not allowed relief. However, the MFGB argued that since 14 to 18-year-olds were denied the opportunity to have full union membership and the attendant right to a voice in industrial policy they did not participate in the decision to go on strike and so should be eligible for relief. The Ministry of Health refused to accept this argument and so pit boys were denied relief.

The Ministry of Health argued that any money coming into the house from other sources, such as an older son or daughter or a pension, could be deducted from the weekly allowance and relief was denied to those who had savings. It was recommended that families of miners who owned or were buying their property with a mortgage should also be disqualified from relief on the basis that they could sell or re-mortgage their properties. No additional allowance was recommended to cover rent.

Each Board and each Board member responded to this advice differently. In general, those Boards where the labour movement was not in control followed the guidelines. Where the labour movement was in control an endeavour was made to give more adequate relief. However, to do this it was often necessary to ask the Ministry of Health for a loan or permission to borrow from a bank. The problem for the Boards was that they could only borrow with the Minister’s sanction and on the conditions which the Minister laid down. Since those that had to borrow were those with the largest mining population, the Minister was able to require reductions in their relief scales as a condition for loans.

During May, hundreds of families from the Forest applied for relief and some was paid out to wives and children of miners in food vouchers or cash and initially only for two weeks. The Labour Party members on the Boards were in a minority but over the next few months did their best to challenge the legality and morality of the decisions made by the majority of the Guardians, who were mainly from upper or middle-class backgrounds. Most of these Guardians had spent many years sitting on committees and were well-versed in using legalistic arguments and bureaucratic manoeuvres to undermine those Labour Party members who were less knowledgeable or experienced.

Feeding the Children

The Forest mining community set about the task of feeding the families. Some children were sent away to friends and relatives, while some miners’ wives and daughters left the Forest to earn money as servants in the big cities. Soup kitchens were organised in every village and there were local distress funds that accepted contributions from those at work. The women in the community were at the forefront and kept busy every day preparing and cooking food.

The Central Relief Committee in Cinderford operated from the town hall. The delegates on the committee were made up of representatives from across the community and liaised closely with representatives of the local religious organisations. Money was collected from the churches and chapels and the wider community and it was agreed to avoid soliciting donations from the shopkeepers who also were under financial stress.[60] The Gloucestershire Federation of Labour Parties also arranged to make collections throughout the county for miners from the Forest Dean and Bristol.[61]

Legislation introduced in 1921 conferred discretionary powers on local education authorities to provide school meals to children who, through lack of food, were unable to take full advantage of the education provided. Charles Luker and Jim Jones, who were both Labour Party members of the County Council Education Committee, were instrumental in persuading the Committee to contribute 5d a child towards financing a daily school dinner for the children of miners.[62]

The committee of the Forest of Dean School Managers took on the task of liaising with the headmasters of the schools. School Managers Committee member, Jim Jones, said they should endeavour to provide two meals a day. However, George Rowlinson, who was the chairman, said one good meal at midday would suffice.[63] In contrast, many education committees in other mining districts provided funding for breakfast and dinner. By the end of the lockout, the County Council had provided £484,163 of funding at a rate of 2.3d a day for the children of miners in the Forest of Dean and Kingswood. Some other County Councils provided more funding than this.[64]

Westbury Union

In 1926, Labour Party members on the Westbury Board included Frank Ashmead, Abraham Booth, Tim Brain, Harry Morse and Charlie Mason, all elected from East Dean District Council. Mason was now a locked-out miner.  Brain was still employed as a deputy at Cannop Colliery where he continued to work during the lockout to prevent flooding and to maintain the pit. Morse, also a locked-out miner worked at New Fancy colliery. He lived in Blakeney and was elected as a Labour Councillor on East Dean District Council in 1925 and then onto the Westbury Board.

Most of the remaining members of the Westbury Board were senior members of the establishment. Most owned their businesses as shopkeepers, tradesmen or farmers and nearly all were employers. Two were members of the aristocracy. They were vehemently opposed to the action of the miners in refusing to accept a reduction in wages and an increase in hours.

The chairman, George Rowlinson, had fallen out with the FDMA and the mining community and sat as an Independent; he was sometimes hostile to the miners.  Ashmead was an ex-miner who had worked closely with Rowlinson when he was the agent for the FDMA and, out of loyalty, he often backed Rowlinson up in the meetings. Rowlinson also had the backing of fellow district councillor Richard Westaway, a grocer from Cinderford.

George Rowlinson (Credit Dean Heritage Centre)

On Friday 7 May, there was a long queue of miners outside the office of the Westbury relieving officer for the Cinderford area, who was registering applications for relief. Consequently, by mid-May, the Westbury Board had received over 700 applications from the families of miners. On 11 May, an emergency meeting of the Westbury Board met to discuss how to deal with the requests for relief.

In response, John Williams and the FDMA organised a demonstration to argue the case for relief.  As a result, a large contingent of East Dean miners and their families walked or cycled to Westbury-on-Severn to lobby the Westbury Board meeting. At the beginning of the meeting, the Board agreed that they would receive a deputation from the demonstration to hear their case when they had finished their discussions.

During the discussions, Rowlinson said it might take a week to deal with all the applications and each case would be considered on its merit. After a long discussion, it was agreed that relief could only be offered to women and children and a weekly allowance of 10s for a miner’s wife, 4s for a first child and 2s 6d for other children up to a limit of 25s was decided upon. The relief would not be a loan and they would receive the allowance of 25 per cent in cash and 75 per cent in vouchers to be exchanged in local stores. The relief would be granted for only two weeks after which the cases would be reviewed. Mason volunteered to join eight other Guardians on a relief committee to meet in Cinderford to consider further applications for relief and to grant relief according to the above scales.

These allowances were below the rates suggested by the Ministry of Health. In contrast, some Boards of Guardians awarded rates above the recommended levels. These Boards included Chester-Le-Street, Gateshead, Lanchester and Sedgefield in the North East, Rotherham and Hemsworth in Yorkshire and Bedwellty, Llanelli and Pontypridd in South Wales.

Throughout the meeting, there was some tension between some of the Board members, particularly between Rowlinson and Mason who did his best to argue in the interests of destitute families and single men. At one point, Mason challenged Rowlinson’s claim that the law said that destitute single miners could not be admitted to the workhouse. There had been disagreements between these two men in the past such as the time Maon made complaints about the amount and quality of the food.

Charlie Mason (Credit: Margo Woodhill)

The attitude of some of the Guardians appeared to be that the money belonged to them as ratepayers and they were donating it to the mining families out of charity. During the discussion, Mason made the point that the miners were part of the community too and paid rates and so were entitled to benefits as of right in time of need. Daniel Walkley, who ran a transport business in Cinderford, and J. S. Bate, an estate agent from Blaisdon, claimed that their duty was to the ratepayers and that the young single miners could not be destitute because work was available to them. The Dean Forest Mercury reported Mason’s reply:

Where? …As the youngest member of the Board, he understood his duty quite well and was not going to Mr Walkey to learn it. He was representing the public, and a most essential part of the public. The miners were in the public area. He took it that young men also put money into the fund for administering the Poor Law.[65]

Mason went on to argue that the Board’s duty was to consider the destitution of members of the community in assessing if relief should be provided. He added that the Ministry of Health had stated that the Guardians should not take sides in industrial conflicts which it appeared as if they were doing.

Williams and Thomas Etheridge, the full-time financial secretary of the FDMA, were then invited into the meeting as representatives of the delegation.[66] They presented a case for relief for all miners, particularly the single men, arguing that it would be humiliating for them to enter the workhouse. He added that another vulnerable group was made up of those who owned their houses or were paying a mortgage as they were in danger of losing their property if they could not keep up payments. He asked for relief to be paid wholly in cash to prevent exploitation by tradesmen.[67]

When addressing the crowd of miners and their families outside after the meeting, Williams reported that the Board had decided that the cases of able-bodied single men would not be entertained but, if completely destitute, they may be allowed a bed in the workhouse. He reported the cases of house owners would be considered on merit and any money received from the MFGB or elsewhere would be deducted from the allowance. As a result, the FDMA decided to avoid giving any funds from the MFGB to those families on Poor Law relief. The relief would be paid out at Wesley Hall in Cinderford on Saturday mornings. Williams added:

I want to acknowledge we owe the Board of Guardians something for the courtesy they have shown us this morning.[68]

In the evening a large meeting was held at Cinderford Town Hall and chaired by Jim Jones, who started the evening by singing a song. Williams reported on the events at Westbury in the morning. He added that if many destitute single men could not get any relief, then they should turn up on mass at the workhouse and demand to be admitted. He thought it would be unlikely that the workhouse would have enough beds to deal with a large number of applicants. He reported that the FDMA was going to ask Jones and Luker if they could make a case to the County Council for two meals a day for children rather than one.[69]

A further source of help emerged when, at a meeting on 23 May, Williams announced that £260,000 had been sent by Russian miners towards an MFGB distress fund, of which £1,500 had been allocated to the FDMA.

 Monmouth Union

In 1926, the following guardians on the Monmouth Board were Labour Party members or sympathetic to Labour: Luker, Hicks, E. Alice Taylor, E. Beard, E. Pritchard, A. Brown, H. J. Smith, E. J. Flewelling, Albert Brookes (locked-out miner) and J Willetts (locked-out miner).

An emergency meeting of the Monmouth Board was held on Wednesday 12 May. The Board was chaired by Lady Mather-Jackson who confirmed a similar rate to Westbury; a weekly allowance of 10s for a miner’s wife and 3s for a child, but in the form of a loan up to a maximum of 25s per week.

Ada Frances Lady Mather-Jackson (Credit National Portrait Gallery)

Wilkes, the relieving officer for the Monmouth Board, said that he had already dealt with 200 cases at an average cost of one pound per case, paid out in vouchers at the above rate. He added that on Tuesday 4 May the applicants came to Yorkley and he told them he could not relieve the able-bodied men. After collecting more food vouchers from Monmouth on Friday he complained that:

When I got home at 5 o’clock I was besieged … On Saturday night I could not do anything with them. The police came down and since then I have been under police protection.[70]

Neems, who was among the fifteen members from the Forest of Dean, argued that:

It was not the spirit of the men that made trouble for the relieving officer, it was necessity. There are people starving who are too proud to come here. You cannot drive poverty into the ground. If we do something it will prevent a more serious outbreak.

A motion that the 5d a day for the school meal provided by the County Council should be deducted from the 3s allowance per child was defeated. One of the members of the Board who voted for the motion was William Burdess, who was the underground manager at Princess Royal Colliery.

Circular 703 recommended that a deduction of the cost of the meal should be made from the allowance granted to each child and the savings passed on to the County Council, although this was difficult to enforce and many Boards of Guardians failed to do this.

Luker tried to present a case for the families of miners who owned their own houses particularly those with a mortgage arguing if they had to sell them in the present situation, they would not get a fair price. He pointed out that work was not available to the miners because:

The miners had been locked out. It was not a question of a strike. We can go back to work for nothing and we are not prepared to do that.[71]

Luker then moved a motion at the meeting that the government should provide £20,000 to cover the extra costs of providing relief. However, the motion was ruled out of order by Mather and the question of funding was referred to the finance committee who would report back at the next meeting.[72]

Many other Poor Law Unions had already borrowed over £20,000 from the Ministry of Health or had arranged bank loans sanctioned by the Ministry. Monmouth and Westbury took out bank loans of about £10, 000 and £15,000 respectively during the lockout which was a modest amount compared to other Poor Law Unions. However neither the Ross nor Chepstow Boards of Guardians applied for a loan or an overdraft during the lockout, which limited the financial support they could provide to those in distress.[73]

Ross Union

On Thursday 6 May, over 100 applicants from Ruardean presented themselves to a meeting of the Ross Board of Guardians, seeking relief on account of destitution. Mr Pilkington, the chairman of the Board agreed to allow a deputation of six men to speak to the Guardians. The men’s spokesman Sidney Thomas Mills, who was a member of the strike committee for the district, appealed to the Guardians to grant relief to those in distress from his community. Mills was a World War One veteran and secretary of the Forest of Dean British Legion. He said:

For the past twelve months, they had lived a hand-to-mouth existence as the men had rarely done more than three and a half turns a week.[74]

One of the Guardians asked Mills whether the men would be prepared to go back to work. Miles responded:

They would go back tomorrow on the old terms if they were allowed to.[75]

After consideration, the Board decided to make an allowance in vouchers of 10s a week for a wife, 4s for the first child and 2s 6d for each subsequent child. They said arrangements would be made for a deputation from the Board to proceed to Ruardean the next day and to review the expected 160 cases. Mills thanked the Board and said he hoped the miners would have the same consideration from the colliery owners.[76]

Financial Pressure on the Guardians

The FDMA strategy was to encourage miners’ families to claim outdoor relief in the hope that in time the shortage of coal would begin to bite and they could win concessions from the government and the colliery owners. The role of the Labour Party members on the Boards was fundamental to this strategy. However, the FDMA became concerned when they heard that after two weeks the the Boards had decided to review how much relief should be provided and how it should be paid out.[77]

On Thursday 20 May, the Ross Board decided to reduce the amount paid to the first child from 4s to 2s 6d a week if the child was of school age and receiving a free meal from the County Education Authority. The Ross Guardians decided that the maximum amount of relief per family would be 25s per week.[78]

On Friday 21 May, at a meeting of the Monmouth Board, the Guardians heard that on the previous Wednesday, the Board had 783 new applications from miners’ families, of which 584 were granted relief, including 544 women and 1747 children. The miners’ cases were now costing the Board about £750 per week at an average cost of one pound per case and so arrangements were made to apply for an overdraft of £8000 at the bank.[79]

Edwin Sims, a school teacher and magistrate from Lydney, asked the Monmouth Board to make it clear to those on relief that they were treating the allowances as loans. The relieving officer, A J Wilkes said that after the experience of the 1921 lockout he was concerned they would never recover the loans.[80] Luker added that if the miners went back with a reduction in wages, they would not be able to keep their homes, let alone repay loans.

Loan in Kind

At a meeting of the Westbury Board held Tuesday 25 May, the Guardians were informed by the finance committee that by the end of next week the Board will be about £6000 overdrawn so it would be necessary to arrange an overdraft with the bank. They added the precepts from the local authority due to them as their share of the money collected as rates was due 1 June but it was unclear if they would receive them. As a result, the finance committee presented a motion that stated that from now on the grant should be in the form of a loan and reviewed every week. In response, Mason argued that:

He could see no reason why the grant should be in the future in the form of a loan. He thought the subject was carefully considered last week and he did not know what the prospects were of return even if they did grant it on loan. It seemed to him more or less a farce because the people were destitute and knowing the district very well, he could not see what chance of their paying the money back.

Mason argued that East Dean was more disadvantaged than other districts because the house coal pits in East Dean often only worked part-time. However, when it came to a vote, Mason only got the backing of four other Labour Party members while Rowlinson, Ashmead and the others voted in favour of the finance committee motion. It was also agreed that the Board should meet every Tuesday while the present emergency lasted.

Mason vs Rowlinson

On Tuesday 1 June, the Westbury Union met again and the Guardians were informed that a meeting of the Finance Committee had produced a report which recommended that relief for the first child should be reduced from 4s to 2s 6d. Rowlinson then informed the meeting that a resolution had been passed at the finance committee that the allowances would be fully awarded in the form of vouchers. Booth complained about this decision but was overruled by Rowlinson who claimed the conditions had changed.

Mason argued that the resolution about the vouchers had not been agreed upon at a full meeting of the Board and challenged Rowlinson over the undemocratic way the decision had been made. He then moved a motion, seconded by Booth, that the decision be rescinded. Rowlinson replied that he needed seven days’ notice to accept a motion to rescind a resolution. Mason attempted to respond but was told by Rowlinson that he had spoken more than once and he should “not strain the feelings of the Board”.

After more discussion, Mason moved an amendment that the allowance for the first child remains at 4s. However, the motion was defeated with twenty-two against and only Labour Party members (Mason, Booth, Brookes, Ayland and Brain) voting in favour. At that point, the atmosphere became quite tense when it appeared that Mason accused Rowlinson of lacking courage. Rowlinson replied, “I don’t allow you or anyone to tackle me on my courage”.[81]

Finally, Brain presented a resolution that the families of miners who owned their own houses should also get relief but this was defeated with only eleven votes in favour and thirteen against.[82]

First West Dean Deputation

On Wednesday 2 June, Lady Mather-Jackson informed a meeting of the Monmouth Board that for the week ending 29 May, there were 798 cases, representing 2521 persons, costing £634 a week. She reported that a meeting of the Special Relief Committee had received a deputation consisting of four representatives of the miners from West Dean, including William Hoare and Charles Fletcher who requested that:

  • Assistance should be given to the man.
  • An allowance should be allowed for rent.
  • The income to the home, such as from sons and daughters, should not be taken into account.
  • A person owning their own house should be relieved less a fair reduction for rent.
  • War pensions should not be taken into account as income.
  • Relief should be given to single men (particularly as they often live in lodgings with people who are also receiving assistance).[83]

In response, Mather-Jackson quoted the regulations to justify that no relief could be paid to single men, to property owners or to cover rent. Brookes and Hicks reported cases of families they knew who owned their own houses and were now close to starving because they were not entitled to relief. However, Mather-Jackson’s main concern appeared to be that the Russian money was being given to those claiming relief. This was denied by the Labour Party members who said the FDMA was prioritising donating the money to single men and property owners.

Second West Dean Deputation

On Friday 4 June, for the second time in three days, about ninety people, mainly single miners, walked ten miles from Bream to the Guardian’s offices at Monmouth to put their case for relief. Many of them were weak from a lack of food.

While the people waited outside, the Board considered how to respond. Mather-Jackson argued that the regulations forbade them from giving relief to able-bodied single men. The Labour Party members challenged the legality of this claim. Brookes pointed out that the Guardians in Bedwellty had given relief to single men and added that:

There is now more destitution. They are being refused anything and they are absolutely starving. The situation is serious.[84]

Brookes was correct. A Ministry of Health briefing revealed that more than eight hundred ineligible Bedwellty locked-out miners were relieved during a single week of May 1926, while some Relieving Officers circumvented rules applying to strikers by giving extra relief to their mothers. However, Bedwellty was not alone since the nearby Crickhowell Union refused to follow the Government’s directions and paid out money to single miners.

Boards of Guardians in other mining districts gave relief to single locked-out men, particularly if they were in lodgings. This continued until the summer but in most cases came to an end after the Ministry of Health warned the relevant Guardians that they could be breaking the law.

After a discussion over the legality of the situation, a deputation of four miners was invited to the meeting. William Hoare, who was their main spokesman, argued for the same demands made by the deputation to the Special Relief Committee but added that an extra allowance was needed to cover rent for housing. He asked: “At what point does a man become destitute?” Mather-Jackson said: “It was when he was physically unfit”. Hoare responded: “Physical unfitness and destitution are two distinct things”. He added that:

The married men and single men were receiving nothing and therefore must be destitute and that was why they had come there that morning to either claim relief from outside or admission into the institution which they contended the law entitled them to.[85]

Men could lawfully be relieved if through destitution they became physically incapable of work. The fact of destitution or ‘ incapacity ‘ could only be determined by the guardians in the exercise of their fairly wide powers of discretion and this allowed some Boards to relieve single men, particularly if they could obtain a medical certificate from a doctor.

Mather-Jackson said that in some cases the relieving officer could pay rent in kind. However, she repeated her claim that the regulations forbade Guardians from relieving single men and only the wives and children of married men. Hoare replied if that was the case how come Gateshead Union were providing relief to single men with the sanction of the Ministry of Health? He added that he knew of cases of families being so far behind with their rent they faced eviction.

Hoare was not correct as the Ministry of Health would not sanction relief to single men in these circumstances. However, during the lockout the Guardians at  Chester-Le- Street Poor Law Union in Durham awarded single men outdoor relief until August 1926 when the Ministry of Health took over the running of the Poor Law Union.

Mather-Jackson then claimed that before the lockout a miner with three sons could be earning £10 a week and therefore must have undeclared savings. Charles Fletcher, who was another member of the delegation, responded to Mather-Jackson’s accusation:

The wages of a colliery labourer in the Forest of Dean would not average more than 25s to 27s a week. Five days was the most the colliers work in the Forest. The wages during the past four or five years had been very low and the conditions had also been bad … He could not conceive of £8 or £9 going into any house of any man working in the Forest collieries at this time neither could he conceive, after having done no work for five weeks, they could have any money.[86]

Luker argued that many of the men earned considerably less than the hewers and some of these were single men living in lodgings and or with their parents. They had no savings and could no longer pay their rent, board and lodgings. He argued that the Board should do everything in its power:

according to the law and to the means at their disposal … and deal with the applications sympathetically and justly.[87]

Mather-Jackson responded that unless a man was physically unfit, they could not relieve him. G. F. Park, a farmer from Monmouth, said that many of the men drawing relief in the Forest of Dean were doing very well and ran flocks of sheep. Brookes ignored that comment and responded that the Board should:

use common sense rather than an official attitude in regard to these men who were genuinely unemployed.[88]

Luker proposed the following motion which was seconded by E. Alice Taylor and Ellen Hicks:

This Board of Guardians recognising the need for more generous dealing with able-bodied men in the case of industrial disputes asks the Minister of Health to confer greater powers on Boards as to enable them to give immediate relief so that needless suffering can be avoided.[89]

Park then made some remark about how long they were going to be on strike and Brookes responded: “Mr Park’s suggestion is that they be starved back to work.” When it went to a vote, nine members voted for the motion and nine against it with some abstentions, but after a long discussion, a second vote produced a majority in favour of the resolution.

The deputation was then asked to return to the Board room and Mather-Jackson informed them that if anyone could obtain a certificate from a doctor confirming they were physically unfit to work then they could get relief on a day-to-day basis. Mather-Jackson also said the men who had made the journey this morning could be offered a meal of bread and cheese provided they committed they would leave the premises and not return.

After Hoare consulted with men outside, he informed Mather-Jackson that unless they got a more favourable response they intended to stay. He added:

You know as well as we do that the Minister of Health is trying to override the Poor Law and is cutting it down. He is the willing tool of the coal owners trying to starve us into submission. … Therefore, to us, there is nothing in that decision requesting the Ministry of Health to allow you. You already have got the power. You are within the law despite the Ministry of Health.[90]

Mather-Jackson said; “We haven’t got the power”. Hoare alleged that in other districts single locked-out miners had been awarded relief and argued:

The Ministry has sanctioned a rate relief at Gateshead equivalent to unemployment pay. In any case, your decision to get a sanction from the Ministry of Health to extend relief does not mean anything to us. We consider that you have the power, and it is for you to decide now. Anyway, that is what I am instructed to inform the Board, that unless you do something for us, to remain here.[91]

Hoare was partially correct because in May 1925 the Gateshead Board introduced a new and more generous scale of outdoor relief. An unemployed man and his wife were given 27s a week, plus 3s. per head for their first three children, 2s. per head for others, rent up to 7s 6d, and for elderly persons living with them they could claim 10s. to 15s. per week. During a strike in local pits in the summer of 1925. a striker’s wife’s allowance was increased to 27s. per week, equivalent to a man and wife’s joint allowance. Gateshead had been paying allowances equivalent to unemployment pay but to get an extension of their overdraft in June 1926 they had to agree to comply with conditions imposed by the Ministry, including ‘substantial economies’ which meant paying allowances at the rates recommended in circular 703.[92]

Fennel asked if Luker was their representative and asked him to intervene. Hoare was not willing to allow this and replied:

No, he is not the representative of the body of men. He is simply elected to this Board by the ratepayers.[93]

The Dean Forest Mercury reported Fletcher’s statement:

He did not know if they could stop the men from coming to Monmouth at some future occasion but they would see what they could do to only send a deputation down. He expected they would be coming there and demanding admittance. The men had five weeks’ practical experience of the conditions. They will not go under lightly, and they are prepared to starve on top, and they will gladly let you bury them. They have had enough burying underground.[94]

Hoare added that several men who were present on Wednesday could not make it because they “are too stiff, sore and weak”. Mather-Jackson told Hoare that he should tell the men what the Board had agreed and that they should leave quietly. He responded:

Very well we will give the men your position, and of course, it rests with them. Before we go, even if the men outside decide to leave, I want to register a protest here. We consider that you already have the power to do more than you are doing.[95]

When Hoare reported back to the men, one of them said: “If we have to die, let us die here.” After eating their bread and cheese they walked home. Some of these men had fought in World War One and it is hard to imagine what they thought of their country now and their treatment by these members of their ruling class.

Deductions

By 19 June 1926 one in seven of the population served by the Westbury Union and one in eight of the population served by the Monmouth Union had received relief.[96]  The FDMA was aware of how important the awarding of relief was to the balance of forces during the lockout. It was clear that both Brookes and Hoare were fully aware of the developments at Bedwellty and Gateshead and this was why they argued that their local Guardians should make a similar moral stand in defence of their community.

On Saturday 5 June, a mass meeting was held at Cinderford Town Hall chaired by Jim Jones with the main speakers George Lansbury, Williams and Alf Purcell, the local Labour MP. Lansbury was one of the Poplar councillors involved in the rates rebellion who went to prison in 1921 and now was Labour MP for Bow and Bromley.

At the meeting, Williams spoke first and was furious because he had found out that relieving officers for the Westbury Board had been incorrectly making deductions from the grants given to those on relief. He cited one case of a married man who had to walk six miles to Cinderford and was only given 2s 6d for his wife, three children and teenager (who was earning 6s a week), on the assumption they were receiving Russian money from the MFGB. He cited another case in which deductions were made, leaving a family with more than ten children without any funds for food.

Williams said it appeared that this was being carried out under the instruction of a small committee or by the relieving officer himself without the authority of a full Board meeting. In response, Williams suggested they needed to make a protest and go to the relieving officer’s house and ask him directly to justify his actions. In addition, they needed to approach Rowlinson and ask for an explanation.[97]

Cinderford

On Tuesday afternoon 8 June a meeting was held at Cinderford Town Hall with Enos Taylor in the chair. Taylor was a locked-out miner who normally worked at Foxes Bridge colliery.[98] He said the main purpose of the meeting was to protest against the decision of the relieving officers to deduct money from the loans to those on relief, on the assumption that they had received money from the MFGB donated by the Russian miners.

This decision was against the recommendation in circular 703  that stated only a proportion of MFGB money could be deducted from the allowances because the strike pay was awarded to the man to be shared with the wife and children who received Poor Law relief.

Williams said he also wanted to protest against the decision of the Westbury Board to reduce the allowance for the first child and provide relief solely in the form of vouchers. He pointed out that the vouchers were provided only for food and did not cover other necessities like medicines. In addition, he argued that the families of miners who owned their own houses needed help too. The Dean Forest Mercury reported that Williams:

Thought it was only fitting that he should read the names of the five persons who had displayed with courage and remained so loyal to them in the discussions at the Guardians as reported in the “Mercury” – Mr Morse of Blakeney; Charlie Mason – who was putting up a very vigorous fight indeed (applause) – Tim Brain, Abraham Booth, and William Ayland (applause). These were five persons who had been standing up in the interests of everybody.[99]

Williams argued that they needed to make a protest or the Guardians would continue to reduce the allowances. He argued that there may have to be an increase in the rates to cover the cost and felt that most people in the community were prepared to make this sacrifice.  A resolution of protest against the action of the Westbury Board in reducing the allowances was proposed by Joseph Holder and seconded by Jack Harris, both locked-out miners, and passed without dissent.[100]

Bureaucratic Manoeuvres

On Tuesday 8 June, the Westbury Board met again and Rowlinson continued to use bureaucratic manoeuvres to undermine attempts by the Labour Party members to challenge his authority. He reported that some traders had complained they had lost custom because most of the people receiving the vouchers were exchanging them at the Co-operative Store. As a result, Mason put forward a motion that 25 per cent of the allowance be in cash to give those receiving relief more choices. However, this motion was disallowed by Rowlinson.

Booth then presented a motion that applicants could receive an extra allowance to cover rent and mortgage interest repayments and that families owning their own houses should be eligible for relief. Rowlinson refused to accept the motion, arguing it needed to be tabulated in the correct form and given to the clerk to be presented at the next meeting. Mason asked if families needed to travel to Cinderford to make a new application every week. Rowlinson argued it was not possible to make any changes because the Board had already passed a motion to grant relief one week at a time.[101]

The Board operated a policy that those caught earning cash from digging small amounts of coal from the outcrop, where the coal seam reaches the surface, were denied relief. However, after a question from Miss Lefroy, Rowlinson did accept that the families of miners who could prove they had given up outcropping could now apply for relief.

Co-operative Society Membership

Most miners living in Cinderford were members of the Cinderford Co-operative Society, which was very much part of the labour movement in the Forest. Cinderford Co-operative Society, just like other Co-operative Societies in the Forest of Dean, was run and managed by its members in the interests of its members, mainly to provide relatively cheap food. In Cinderford where eighty per cent of the population were miners, the management committee included some miners, such as Martin Perkins (President for 37 years, but retired in 1925) and Enos Taylor.[102]

Cinderford Co-operative and Industrial Society (Credit Alistair Graham, The Forest Pioneers, The Story of the Co-operative Movement in the Forest of Dean published by the Co-operative Society in 2002.

The hostility of some members of the Board towards the miners was highlighted at the next meeting of the Westbury Board on Tuesday 15 June. Rowlinson had discovered that members of the Co-operative Society in Cinderford needed to hold a maximum of three pounds in their account to maintain their membership. If the amount dropped below this then they would lose the benefits of membership. Rowlinson claimed that Co-operative Society members could not be classed as destitute as they had £3 in savings and therefore were not entitled to relief. Mason responded by presenting a motion, seconded by William Ayland, that the Board consider such cases as destitute. However, Mason was forced to withdraw the resolution on being told by Rowlinson that the Board was legally obliged to strictly follow its rules on savings.[103] Most other Boards of Guardians in mining areas were far less rigid in their interpretation of the law.

Following this, one of the Labour Party members, Harry Morse from Blakeney, explained that under the existing system, any money coming into the house was deducted from the allowance which had a maximum of 25s. He proposed that in future in a house with four, five or six children then if 12s were going into the house in income from other sources this should now be ignored. Likewise, 9s should be ignored if there are three children and 7s if there is a wife and child. He presented a resolution to this effect which was seconded by Booth and Mason.

Mason spoke in favour of the motion adding that it was wrong that war pensions were being deducted from the allowance. However, Rowlinson told Mason he could not speak again. When the motion was put to the vote it lost with only the four Labour Party members present voting in favour.[104]

The atmosphere was more cordial at a meeting of the Ross Board on Thursday 9 June where the Guardians decided to apply to the government for a loan and complimented the families in Ruardean on their civil behaviour. However, a motion was passed that in the future relief should only be given as a loan.

The Labour Party members continued to make a stand. Booth put forward a motion, seconded by Mason that the decision to pay allowances in kind made on the 25 May should be rescinded. but was lost with only the five Labour Party members voting in favour. Similarly, a motion presented by Booth and seconded by Mason that “an allowance be given to cover rent was also defeated.

Ratepayers

As time went on the ratepayers, particularly those from outside the Forest mining area, started to complain. For instance, at a Monmouth Board meeting in early August, some Guardians complained that “ratepayers were hard hit”. Mather said the Board would review the question of the relief allowed to the dependents of miners at the next meeting. In response, J. Willetts, a Dean Forest member, retorted:

I am a miner and I have been hit hardest. I have been locked out for fourteen weeks, and all the money I have received is from the Russian fund. You talk about the hard hit. I wish some of you were in my place.[105]

However, at a national level and under pressure from wealthy ratepayers, Neville Chamberlain, the Minister of Health, began to tighten central control on recalcitrant Boards of Guardians, largely via the 1926 Board of Guardians (Default) Act which was passed on 15 July 1926. The Act allowed the Minister of Health to reconstitute a Board of Guardians, replacing it with government officials, if he considered that the Board was not properly performing its functions. It was this Act which later brought rebellious Boards of Guardians, notably in West Ham, Chester-Le-Street and Bedwellty, under central government control and ended local democratic control of Poor Law Relief in those Unions.

No More Relief

By mid-August, about 750 women and children were receiving relief, in the form of loans, from the Westbury Board of Guardians.  On 3 August, the Board decided by a small majority to cut off all relief to miners’ wives and children arguing that since some pits were open work was available to them. The motion was presented by Mr Blanton and seconded by Mr Boughton and stated:

Relief orders shall continue for this week and then cease. [106]

The motion was passed with ten in favour and five against. Mason and the other Labour members pointed out that as far as they knew Westbury was the only Board in the country to do so. However, Rowlinson and his supporters on the Board refused to listen. Tim Brain was shocked and:

appealed to the Christian men: Did they want the country built upon slavery? It was not Christian if men wished to force them to that. They talked about relieving the miners, but it was their wives and children they appealed for. But if they were, they were not dealing with cowards, but with men who had stood all these weeks on empty stomachs for what they thought right.[107]

The decision of the Westbury Board of Guardians was highly controversial and possibly illegal because Guardians had a statutory duty to provide relief to the destitute provided they were not an unemployed man for whom work was available. The only other Board of Guardians to take such extreme action in the summer of 1926 were Bolton at the end of July and Lichfield on 3 September. This had a significant impact on the course of the lockout in the Forest and achieved its aim of driving many miners back to work.

 In mid-July the Bolton Poor Law District, which represented about 10,000 miners with 3000 paupers, provided relief to a section of the Lancashire coalfield. At the same time, the Lichfield Poor Law Union provided relief to 930 paupers from the section of the Cannock Chase coalfield.[108]

In mid-July both Bolton and Lichfield Boards of Guardians announced that they were ending all outdoor relief to the dependents of miners on strike.[109] This was despite concerted opposition from a minority of the Guardians. Bolton Guardians said they would still offer relief in the workhouse.

Following their decision the Litchfield Guardians received a letter from the Ministry of Health asking them to reconsider their decision pointing out it was their responsibility to relieve destitution.[110] In response to the letter, at a meeting on 23 July, they changed their minds and decided to offer relief at a rate of 2s 6d for each wife plus 1s per child.[111] However, at a meeting held on 3 September, they decided to end all outdoor relief to the dependents of striking miners.[112] One of the arguments they used was that there had been a significant return to work in Cannock Chase and that as the collieries were open, work was available to the locked-out miners.

Meanwhile, in the Bolton area, At the end of August, the Daily Herald reported that some sections of the community were experiencing extreme distress as a result of the local Guardian’s decision to cut off relief.[113] Significantly a small number of non-Union collieries in the district had continued to work from the start of the lockout but by October about 25 per cent of the men in the Lancashire coalfield had returned to work.

Alf Purcell

As a result of the decision of the Westbury Board of Guardians to discontinue relief to miners’ families, Alf Purcell, M.P. for the Forest of Dean, wrote a letter to Chamberlain, the Minister of Health in which he said:

I draw your attention to the matter of the Westbury-on-Severn Board Guardians in connection with their refusal of outdoor relief to miners within the Westbury Union. As far I can gather, the Board has, in effect, stopped outdoor relief to all except those who have applied for work at the pits and been refused. (This letter has a reference to men applying for work at pits where some men have resumed employment).

Further, if my information is correct, it would appear clear that the Westbury-on-Severn Board are not carrying out their duty set forth in the circular referred to by Sir Kingsley Wood, in the House of Commons on Thursday, July 22, and set out on page 1,560, Parliamentary Debates, follows:

The function of the Guardians is to relieve destitution within the limits prescribed by law, and they are in no way concerned with the merits of an individual dispute, even though it results in applications for relief. They cannot, therefore, give any weight to their views in dealing with the applications made.”  Again, on page 1,674, Sir Kingsley Wood stated: “But where on the one hand we have case like West Hem, or the other hand case like Lichfield, both at opposite ends as it were the matter which we are discussing, then it is properly—as I think the House will agree—the duty of the Ministry of Health to see that the law is complied with.

I need scarcely assure you that the position is a rather serious one calling for urgent attention, and I shall feel ever so much obliged if you will give your immediate attention to the whole matter.[114]

In response, on 11 August, the FDMA organised a mass meeting of miners and their families in Cinderford, where Wiliams argued that the guardians could be breaking the law and suggested that the miners’ wives should apply on mass for admission into the workhouse.[115] Williams, Mason and a group of miners’ wives decided to implement a plan that women should seek admission to the workhouse by obtaining the necessary orders from the relieving officer. Consequently, by 14 August the relieving officer in Cinderford had received over 100 applications for admission to the workhouse.[116]

On the 13th of August, the local press published the latest figures of men returning to work in the Forest pits. Apart from the safety men, the figures were: Eastern United 260, Lightmoor 272, Norchard 75, Waterloo 28, New Regulator 14, Slope 13, New Fancy 15, and Oldcroft Colliery 43 giving a total of 720 out of about 6,000.  Most of these men were from East Dean, the district is covered by the Westbury Board. Only a handful of men had returned to the pits in West Dean covered by the Monmouth Board.

Protest

In addition to the plan that women should seek admission to the workhouse on 20 August, Williams and Mason worked with a group of miners’ wives to organise a protest outside the Westbury workhouse and arranged transport from Cinderford. On Tuesday 17 August several hundred men, women and children met in Cinderford. Some were transported by coach but most had to walk the eight miles from the Cinderford area to Westbury.

The demonstration was held outside a meeting of the Board and was met by a large contingent of mounted and foot police. The demonstrators were rowdy but peaceful and were led by the women who sang songs including the Red Flag.

A motion presented by Booth and seconded by Mason that Purcell could be allowed to  speak to the Board was refused by a majority vote of 13 to 10. An attempt by one of the members of the Board to present a motion to offer relief for one more week was ruled out of order by Rowlinson but the Board agreed to consider each of the 600 applications from the families of miners on merit. However, on 17 July 1926, 3,677 people were receiving Poor Law relief at the Westbury Union but by 14 August this number had been reduced to 388 which was down to the level before the lockout.

A deputation of two men and two women asked for immediate relief for the hungry crowd and as a result, they were provided with bread and cheese by workhouse employees before returning home where they were greeted as heroines. [117] Meanwhile, the local women’s committee of the Labour Party raised a sum sufficient to pay 4s. per head to the miners affected by the Westbury Board’s decision.[118]

Occupation of Workhouse

On Friday 20 August the FDMA arranged transport from Cinderford to Westbury for about 300 women, children and babies, who had received orders from the relieving officer which entitled them admission into the workhouse. Some women brought as many as 6 or 7 children and, as there was no spare space on the coaches, some men and women set off on foot.

On arrival at the workhouse Williams and Mason met Mr and Mrs Striven, the master and matron, and told them that they had no choice but to admit the women who possessed the necessary orders from the relieving officer. After receiving tea, bread and margarine some walked back to Cinderford while about 100 women and 200 children entered the institution. The accommodation was poor and crowded with only 100 beds, so most of the women stayed up all night and were later accused by the Strivens of shouting and singing all night, tearing pillowslips for the babies and refusing to make their beds or doing any domestic work. However, having made their protest, it was clear the institution could not cope, so they all decided to return to Cinderford the following evening.[119]

Report from the Master

On Tuesday 24 August, the Westbury Board of Guardians heard the following report from  Mr Scrivens, the Master of the workhouse:

On Friday evening August 20th about 7-30 o’clock 86 women and 184 children were admitted to this Institution and on Saturday afternoon 7 women and 19 children were admitted, making a total of 93 women and 203 children. The applicants remained for 4 hours on the highway before coming in.

All of them had orders of admission from the Relieving Officer except for one woman with five children who stated she had lost the order and 7 other women from Brierley who said they had been to the Relieving Officer that Friday evening but that he was out when they called. In the circumstances I admitted them.

The party were accompanied by Mr Mason (Guardian) and Mr Williams (Miners Agent). The usual Dietary for supper consisting of tea, bread and margarine, was served, but a considerable quantity was left on the plates, the women stating they could not eat margarine.

The young children, pregnant women and nursing mothers were given milk, and hot milk was supplied to babies three times during the night. Milk was served on admission when Mr. Mason was present and, he assisted in this.

Everyone had a bed except for small children who slept two in a bed and plenty of bed clothing was provided. This was rather awkward to arrange at first as parties would not divide for some time and in some cases, they pushed the beds together, this accounts for the statements that 4 or 5 slept in a bed.

They kept singing and shouting up to midnight. The Matron appealed to them at midnight to be reasonable as they were upsetting the old people and those in the sick wards which was unreasonable by their singing and noise, they were not quiet all night.

The new blankets that had been purchased were trampled on. They burst the locks of cupboards open and tore the pillow slips to use for their babies and after use threw them clown the lavatories. They refused to empty slops and upon being spoken to about this took up a threatening attitude towards the staff.

The women complained to Mr Mason on his arrival at Midday that they couldn’t obtain soap and water to wash their children with. This was not so as they were shown the bathroom where there were baths, bowls, hot and cold water and an unlimited supply of soap, towels and bath sheets. They were very noisy all night and none of the staff could go to bed until long past midnight.

Mr. Williams called on Saturday morning at 8 o’clock and asked if he could go through and speak to the women, but I told him I thought it was not advisable for me to allow him to do that, and he used rather insulting remarks towards me, one remark was that the meal supplied was pigwash. Not a single complaint was received about the dinner consisting of bread meat and potatoes and the children also received rice pudding. With regard to the bedding provided, all our spare beds were used and 20 straw mattresses were made up in the emergency – straw mattresses are used in many Institutions for this purpose.

There is ample accommodation in the Institution for the number we admitted and for more. It is within my knowledge that some of the women handed two shillings and half crowns to the Officials to buy biscuits for them and quite a lot of money was spent in this way in the village.

I should on behalf of the Matron and myself like to commend, to the Board the untiring efforts of all the Indoor Officials, all of whom remained up all night as it was impossible to retire to bed on account of the noise and the fact that although we had settled them down comfortably for the night they would not do so.

I should also like to say that a number of the women on taking their discharge on Saturday afternoon expressed their appreciation of what had been done on their behalf and said they couldn’t possibly expect anything better in the circumstances.

Mr Mason came to the House on Friday the 20th of August and was shown by the Matron the accommodation in the women’s Block and the children’s Block which had been prepared for them, he expressed his approval of the arrangements and signed the Visiting Committee Book, he also inspected the Dietary Sheet.

On Saturday Mr Mason came to the House and was given an opportunity of inspecting the quarters and the condition they had been left by the persons admitted on Friday, but he declined.

Mr. Mason addressed the Women in the House and said he would see what could be done about the Dietary on Tuesday if they would remain in the House. In the presence of the women, he was told that the Dietary could not be altered.

B.H.Scriven, Master.

The board passed a motion commending the Master and indoor staff for the manner in which they had discharged their duties. This was followed by a motion presented by Booth and seconded by Brain that the Board continue to provide outdoor relief but this failed. However, the Board did agree to hear a statement from a deputation representing the families of locked-out miners, but their appeals to continue to provide relief were ignored.

Consequently, some of the labour members became very angry with the attitude of the majority of Board members who had little sympathy for the mining community and were unprepared to listen to the arguments presented by the delegation. In the end, the meeting had to be abandoned.

East Dean

With the support of Williams and Mason, the miners’ wives continued their campaign and organised two marches headed by brass bands, one from Cinderford and the other from Drybrook, which converged at the Co-operative Society’s field in Cinderford. In his speech, Williams argued that the Westbury Board’s decision might be illegal if it led to destitution.

Masonscontinued to press the Westbury Board to support the destitute in his community. At a Board meeting on 7 September 1926 Charles protested over a decision to refuse relief to a widow who was the mother of a locked-out miner. However, the chair and the clerk argued that the case was the same as all the others in that work was available to the son and it was his duty to maintain his mother.

The Ministry of Health warned the Westbury Board that it was their statutory duty to provide relief to anyone in their community who was destitute. However, in the end, no action was taken against the Board because it was able to argue that its duty to prevent destitution was covered by law if the workhouse was offered as an alternative. This meant that some Forest mining families were running out of food and this had a significant impact on the decision of some men in the Forest of Dean to return to work. This situation contrasted with other areas where the miners and their families continued to receive relief.

However, the Forest of Dean was not the only place where the strike was under threat; for instance, in Cannock Chase in the Midlands, where 25,000 miners normally worked, over 5,000 men had returned to work by mid-August.[120]  This was the district where many miners were dependent on relief from the Lichfield Board of Guardians.

West Dean

On 10 September the Monmouth Board discussed a resolution that relief for the dependents of miners be reduced by 25 per cent. However, Sims moved an amendment that the matter be deferred and Brooks seconded but the resolution was carried by nineteen votes to fourteen.[121] However, on 9 October 1926, the Western Mail reported:

Alderman A. T. Blake, at the monthly meeting of the Monmouth Board of Guardians on Friday, moved that the special relief to the dependents of miners be stopped in two weeks from that day. He said the Board was practically in a state of bankruptcy. It was pointed out that the special relief to the dependents of miners to October 4 totalled £11,256 in the Dean Forest area of the Monmouth Union. The resolution was carried by a large majority in the face of opposition which came from several Dean Forest Labour Party members.[122]

Number of persons in receipt of domiciliary Poor Law relief May – November 1926.[123]

Date (1926) 15 May 19 June 17 July 14 August 18 Sept 16 Oct 6 Nov
Westbury 339 3,794 3,677 388 802 387 370
Monmouth 2,660 4,228 4,068 3,986 3,058 1,656 868
Bolton 5,190 10,421 9,910 5,268 5,930 5,601 5,810
Lichfield 560 6,257 5,817 5,341 931 683 608
Clutton 1,140 2,405 2,848 3,836 4,395 4,574 4,574
Gateshead 38,111 41,291 40,834 41,343 42,147 42,481 42,494
Bedwelty 31,119 58,000 59,565 58,799 57,555 57,104 56,528

On 29 September, the Western Daily Press reported that Chamberlain had announced that across the country there were only six Boards of Guardians which had given outdoor relief to the families of locked-out miners.

Miners’ families in nearby South Gloucestershire were looked after by the Chipping Sodbury Board of Guardians which continued to provide outdoor relief until the end of the lockout in December. On 18 October 1926, one of the Chipping Sodbury guardians, Captain J. L. Brown said that:

they were relieving the wives and children of miners because they were destitute. There is no point going into the political question.[124]

The Beginning of the End

However, in early September, the Ross Board of Guardians announced they were stopping d giving relief to miners’ wives and children leaving 276 dependents of miners in the Ruardean area without any financial support.[125] This was followed by a similar decision by the Chepstow Board of Guardians several weeks later.[126] This had a significant impact on the decision of some men to return to work in the Ruardean area and West Dean. In his 1961 statement, Williams acknowledged:

This was the beginning of the end of the strike in the Forest of Dean. Nearly every day now I was called to most of the collieries to deal with men returning to work. The workmen had been out of work for over four months. They had not received a penny strike pay from our funds. We had no funds. The only payment received by the workmen of this district was one payment out of what was described as ‘Russian Money’.

By the end of five months, all the workmen in two collieries had gone back to work and a considerable number at the other collieries as well. Some of the workmen had no food to take to work and were without any until payday. I managed to keep two large collieries idle to the end of the strike. The situation was a nightmare for me, and when it was all over, I had to start from the beginning again to organise the district.[127]

In October other Unions in the Midland and Nottingham coalfields, where some miners had returned to work, also cut off relief to family members. These included Cannock and Tamworth in Staffordshire; Nuneaton and Atherstone in Warwickshire; Basford and Mansfield in Nottinghamshire; Belper in Derbyshire and Bosworth in Leicestershire. In contrast, the dependents of miners from most Poor Law unions in South Wales, Yorkshire and the North East were provided with relief until the lockout was over in December 1926.

At the beginning of November, the number of miners working in the Forest, not including safetymen, was 3833 compared with 6,520 miners employed on 1 May at the beginning of the lockout.[128] In other districts, the drift back to work was growing with nearly a quarter of the national workforce now back at work. At the end of December, the miners in the Forest of Dean and the rest of the country returned to work defeated and had to accept they had to work longer hours with reduced pay. Most of the FDMA activists were blacklisted and some never returned to work in the mines. Most of the remaining Forest men returned to work defeated, exhausted and demoralised. For fifteen-year-old Reg Morgan:

“Accept our terms as they stand”, the owners demanded. They were adamant and would not bend. The miners reluctantly accepted their terms. There was nothing to be achieved from further conflict. Eight hard gruelling months. For what? It was the principle of the thing that miners fought for. A decent wage for an honest day’s work. We weren’t asking for the moon. Dad and I went back to Lightmoor Colliery but many miners did not return to the Forest mines. The year was nearly over but not forgotten. Miners were bitter and their memories long. The lessons learned from this conflict were embedded deeply in their minds for future confrontations which would surely come.[129]

Many FDMA activists were blacklisted including Mason. Brookes, Hoare and Fletcher. In 1984, Hylton Miles described his recollections of the 1926 Lockout and the treatment of his father Jesse, in the Forest of Dean and Wye Valley Review:

My father along with the late Mr Albert Brookes and Mr Sonner Hoare opposed the underground manager at that time, regarding the cooked lunches for the children during the 1926 coal strike.  At the end of the strike, they walked down to the Park Gutter (Princess Royal) to know when they had to resume work and were promptly told: “There is no work here, for you three Buggers”.[130]

Gilbert Roberts remembers Charlie Mason was also blacklisted:

After the strike was over, he wasn’t allowed back to his pit. It was seven years before he worked in a pit again, this time at Northern United.[131]

Mason’s daughter, Winfred Foley, remembers the support her family got from other members of the community and during her dad’s “seven-year victimisation from the pits these men did not forget us”.[132] However, others packed up and left:

Men and their families began to leave the Forest, some went to the Yorkshire mines, others went to Coventry or other manufacturing areas. Houses and possessions were sold to raise money for moving.[133]

Repayment of Loans

The total cost of out-relief in England and Wales in 1926-27 was £23,578,230 as compared with £15,326,742 for the year 1925-26, £12,978,268 in 1924- 25, and £14,664,802 in 1923- 24.[134]

The amount of loans and overdrafts sanctioned in some mining poor law unions.[135]

Union March 1925 March 1926 December 1926
Westbury Nil 15,149
Monmouth Nil 11,000
Lichfield Nil 8,000
Clutton Nil 12,000
Gateshead 50,000 120,000 270,000
Bedwellty 364,000 549,000 934,000

One of the main tasks for the Guardians in 1927 was collecting the money paid as a loan to the miners’ dependents. There were over 1150 Westbury cases to be processed. It was agreed by the Westbury Board that charges would be added to the loan for legal expenses and court fees.[136]

On Friday 28 January, the Westbury Board submitted a claim to the Littledean magistrate’s court with a list of 20 names This was followed by a similar claim on 1 February 1927 from about 100 working miners.

Excerpts from the Westbury Board of Guardians Minute Book for 1 February 1927.

As a result, the Board obtained court orders for the recovery of amounts varying from £11 to £3. Arrangements were made with some of the collieries to make the necessary deductions from the wages of between 5s and 10s a week depending on wage levels.

By the beginning of March 1927, only 80 families had repaid the loan in full.[137]  On 1 March 1927, the Board minutes listed the names and addresses of 848 men and women.

Excerpts from the Westbury Board of Guardian Minute Book for 1 March 1927

The problem was that some miners were unemployed and many others were only working part-time and simply did not have the money to repay the loan. Reports from all coalfield areas in 1926 indicate that throughout the eight months or so of the stoppage, a very large majority of miners were unable to pay any rent at all and were therefore heavily in debt when they eventually returned to work.[138]

As a result, Williams wrote a letter to the local press accusing the Guardians of a lack of sympathy and callousness in their role of pursuing the debts from miners suffering hardship. In response, at its meeting on 26 April, the Westbury Board agreed to instruct the relieving officer to apply to the justices to suspend the orders in cases of hardship until there was an improvement.

Unemployment among insured workers in the Forest of Dean June 1927.

Date Cinderford Area Coleford Area Lydney Area Newnham Area Total
June 1927 1438 474 781 286 2979

However, there was no improvement and over the next two years the economic situation became much worse, with increasing unemployment and deprivation. This meant that at the Westbury Union, out of an original loan of £6113 to families of miners during the lockout £4681 had been repaid. However, only 152 had paid in full leaving 996 still owing some money.[139] In contrast, Barnsley Poor Law Union gave out £274,268 on loan but only recovered £45,208.[140]

Conclusion

During the lockout, the Boards of Guardians covering the Forest of Dean district initially followed Ministry of Health recommendations closely and strictly applied the law. However, this was not the case for Guardians from some other districts who took a strong moral stance in defence of the mining community and were far more generous in the amount of relief they awarded. This meant that they ran into direct conflict with ratepayers in their district and the Ministry of Health but were willing to fight back in the interests of their community.

In light of this, the decision of the Westbury Board, closely followed by Monmouth, Ross and Chepstow, to cut off relief completely to destitute women and children was a radical move which had a questionable legal base. The decision reflected an extremely hostile attitude toward the Forest mining community among some of the Guardians and seriously impacted the FDMA campaign to prevent a return to work in the Forest. To understand the approaches taken by different Boards it is fruitful to consider in a little more detail the stand taken by the Bedwellty and Gateshead Guardians set out in the appendix below.

The Labour stand had effectively been ended by now. There can be little doubt that the action of the Boards of Guardians in withdrawing relief was an influential factor in the collapse of the strike in the Forest of Dean during the late summer and autumn of 1926. While Boards with a labour movement majority in other mining areas continued to support impoverished families, those in the Forest were abandoned. Even in small mining districts like Somerset where the demographic was similar to the Forest and where Labour Party members on the Boards were in a minority, the Guardians continued to support the dependents of striking miners until the end of the lockout in December.

In Bedwellty the Guardians succeeded in paying outdoor relief to striking miners, circumvented the rules to provide extra relief to miners’ dependents and successfully appealed against paying the surcharge. The Gateshead case further demonstrated the ineffectiveness of the surcharge as a punitive measure, highlighting its lengthy enforcement process and the fact that it was only partially enforced. This outcome gave a symbolic victory to the Labour Guardians, which angered their political opponents.

The debates which took place on Boards of Guardians, among miners, ratepayers, the ruling classes and the government reflected a conflict between strongly held moral imperatives and the law. For many Guardians from mining communities, the desire to help destitute miners and their families eclipsed the dictates of the law, which many believed only represented the interests of the ruling classes. As a result, some of the Guardians from mining districts sought out interpretations of the law which represented the interests of their community. The examples of Bedwellty and Gateshead proved that this was possible and they provided an example to men like Liddington, Hoare, Mason, Brookes and Fletcher to challenge the authority of the ruling elites that dominated their Boards of Guardians.

In the Forest, people like this were in a minority on Boards of Guardians and the majority of Guardians imposed a rigid interpretation of the law down to the finest detail. This was highlighted when Rowlinson argued that cooperative society membership money should be viewed as savings. His decision to force through the complete withdrawal of relief in August 1926 personified his vindictiveness and complete betrayal of the mining community he once sought to represent.

Ministry of Health officials later admitted that, despite determined efforts throughout the mining dispute, they never fully succeeded in preventing some Boards from providing relief to single miners. They stated:

Even at the end of the dispute certain Boards of Guardians were known to be acting not entirely in accordance with the requirements of the law in this matter.[141]

The evidence from daily reports and other Ministry of Health files indicates that the practice of relieving single miners was more prevalent and persistent in parts of Durham and Yorkshire compared to other coalfield areas. Nevertheless, it should not be assumed that life for the majority of single miners in these regions was anything but desperately hard during the stoppage. Despite the generosity of some of the Boards of Guardians in these districts, only about one in six single miners in Durham and Yorkshire received any Poor Law relief, and in many cases, this relief was likely temporary or sporadic.[142]

The success and failure of working-class communities to defend their interests within the context of an emerging social democracy at a local level reflected the contradictions inherent in attempting to use the local state institutions to help win an industrial dispute or create social and economic change. At a local level, many Labour Party Guardians were willing to stand up to local elites and even risk imprisonment and being surcharged. As a result, the lives of many miners and their families were made more tolerable during the dramatic events of 1926 which meant that some mining communities were able to resist a return to work while others succumbed. However, with the full force of the state attacking them, the miners were eventually defeated.

Fletcher’s health deteriorated after the lockout and he died in November 1929. The Dean Forest Mercury reported:

The death occurred on November 13th at a cottage in Marsh Lane, near Coleford, of Charles Fletcher who had resided in the Forest for many years and had become well known throughout the locality by reason of his advanced views and interest in politics … Over five hundred people attended his funeral and there were over forty wreaths which facts spoke eloquently of the esteem in which he was held by his fellow workers and the district generally for his loyalty to the workers’ cause and the staunch manner in which he held his principles.[143]

Charlie Mason was killed while working at Northern United in December 1945. John Williams paid tribute to Charlie as follows:

Charlie was held in respect, a reflection of his own estimable life. He was not without his faults, but the few he had were eclipsed by his many virtues and outstanding merits. The highest testimony to his integrity is that his innumerable friends thought, felt and said the same about him when he was alive as they are thinking, feeling and saying now. Charlie Mason had known and experienced prolonged and intense poverty, and during his life had endured severe privations and hardships because of his convictions, yet he bore no malice towards those who brought these privations and hardships upon him. Charlie Mason was a thinker and it was always a delight to listen to him. He was sometimes away from the point at issue, but by some means or other, he was more charming and graceful on those occasions than when he addressed himself to the point. The world would be better in many ways if there were more people like Charlie Mason.[144]

Postscript

Boards of Guardians were abolished in 1930 by the Local Government Act 1929, when their powers and responsibilities passed to local and national government bodies, including public assistance committees. Despite the official abolition of the workhouse, many institutions remained largely unchanged into the 1930s. Resistance from Boards of Guardians and local councils slowed the pace of reform. The 1929 Act fell short of abolishing the Poor Law, only modifying its administration and renaming institutions. Poor Law Institutions were rebranded as Public Assistance Institutions and overseen by committees of ‘Guardians’. While there were modest improvements in physical conditions, most inmates continued to be the elderly, people with learning difficulties, the mentally ill, unmarried mothers, and vagrants. The working class continued to dread the workhouse.

Appendix

Bedwellty Guardians[145]

Following the economic depression in the coal trade which began in 1920, the unemployment rate multiplied and, as the demands on the Guardians increased, most of the relief was provided outdoors. In addition, the local Council had great difficulty collecting rates and was consequently in debt to the Board of Guardians throughout the 1920s. Because of the falling value of the rates, more of the Guardians’ finances came from government loans which they had no hope of repaying.

The period from 1920 to 1926 was characterised by innumerable deputations, protests and sit-ins by the unemployed, and continuous appeals for money to the government on the part of the Bedwellty Guardians. The leader of the campaign for more just treatment of the unemployed in Bedwellty Union was Aneurin Bevan, later M.P. for Ebbw Vale and Minister of Health, who was an unemployed miner himself from 1921-24 and for a time afterwards.

There was a socialist majority on the Board. Thirty of the fifty-four members were Labour Party members and most of these were miners. Consequently, the Board was very sympathetic to the plight of the unemployed and did everything in its power to provide enough resources to keep them from starvation. The Board usually received every deputation and often provided a meal for their representatives at the workhouse. While the Board attempted to remain within the law and refuse to grant relief directly to unemployed single men, it did not always comply.

As in most other unions, the Bedwellty Guardians mainly granted relief as a loan. However, many miners had debts to the Guardians dating from the 1921 lock-out. Efforts to collect amounts in arrears met with little success since wages were not regular enough to enable repayment.  This meant the Bedwellty Union debt grew from 1921 onwards.

But it was the practice of granting allowances over the scale which made Bedwellty notorious for its overspending. The basic scale of 35s a week for a family was not overgenerous but a family could also be receiving payments for coal, rent, blankets, clothes or medical allowances. Consequently, payments over the scale were common and were higher than elsewhere.

The 1926 Lockout threw the Bedwellty Guardians into a state of crisis as they desperately sought to help families in distress. Twenty-four of the Guardians were locked-out miners and were in the same dire situation as many of those applying for relief. By June 1926 one in three of the population had received relief. More than eight hundred ineligible strikers were relieved during a single week of May 1926, while some relieving officers, who were recruited locally and often sympathetic to the miners, circumvented rules applying to strikers by giving extra relief to their mothers. However, Bedwellty was not alone since the nearby Crickhowell Union refused to follow the Government’s directions and paid out money to single miners.

At Bedwellty, matters came to a head following disclosures at a Board meeting in November 1926, of ‘grave discrepancies’ in the administration in Blaina, which was one of the poorest towns served by the Bedwellty Union, where 6269 cases out of 7600 received a weekly payment over the scale in some form or another. A report from a relieving officer’s supervisor cited examples where medical certificates had been granted without medical advice and examples of overstating the number of children in a family to obtain more relief for them.

Following the revelation of the Blaina scandal, a deputation of ‘prominent ratepayers’ visited the Ministry of Health in December 1926 with several complaints against the Guardians. The deputation alleged that during the strike, Relieving Officers and Guardians had signed ‘food notes’ issued by the local Council of Action (an independent body formed to alleviate distress during the strike). This meant that the cost of food purchased with the food notes was charged to the Board of Guardians.  This led to the appointment of an inspector to investigate all aspects of the Bedwellty Board administration.

On 5 February 1927, Chamberlain enforced the Board of Guardians Default Act which meant that two Government inspectors and later three paid Commissioners replaced the elected Guardians. Drastic reductions were made in all areas of relief, which led to fierce protests and much bitterness. The total amount in arrears on 31 March 1926 was £634,898 and had increased to £976,520 by February 1927. [146] The Government’s letter of the above date stated:

Unfortunately, after a careful review of the administration of the Board, he (the Minister of Health) has been forced to the conclusion that the practice of the Guardians of interpreting their regulations so as to bring the largest number of persons within their scope, and generally to grant relief on the most liberal scale, has led to a rate of expenditure which is both unnecessary and extravagant.[147]

The amount of outdoor relief was drastically reduced, all allowances over the scale stopped and any relief to single unemployed men refused. However, even the Tory Minister of Health, Neville Chamberlain had to make the following admission about the conditions in Blaina:

Such conditions of devastation are without parallel in the memory of living persons. The devastation of the coalfield can only be compared with the war of devastation in France.[148]

Gateshead[149]

The Gateshead Board were responsible for several urban districts which included mining villages. Guardians elected from these districts were either miners or very sympathetic to the plight of the miners. In 1925, the Labour Party held a majority on the Gateshead Board.  In May 1925, the Board introduced a new and more generous scale of outdoor relief. An unemployed man and his wife were now entitled to 27s a week, plus 3s. per head for their first three children, 2s. per head for others, rent up to 7s 6d, and elderly persons living with the family 10s. to 15s. per week.

Also included in the new scales of outdoor relief was a proposal that in the case of an industrial dispute, a striker’s wife’s allowance should be increased to 27s. per week, equivalent to a man and wife’s joint allowance. The Guardians were warned by their clerk that this attempt to circumvent the regulations was illegal, but he was overruled.

On 20 June 1925, miners working at the pits owned by the Consett Iron Co. at Chopwell were locked out after refusing to accept a pay cut and remained out until the end of 1926 involving bitter conflict and economic hardship. Initially, the Guardians succeeded in paying 27s to the wives of striking miners.

One of the consequences was an increase in the rates and a large overdraft. This resulted in large ratepayers, including directors of many of the largest companies in the area, taking legal action. A writ was issued in the High Court in August 1925 which argued that it was illegal to make these payments to the families of striking miners and asked for an injunction to restrain such payments. In October 1925 most members of the Gateshead Board of Guardians received notice from the Minister of Health’s auditor:

to appear before him if they desired and give a reason why they should not be surcharged in respect of money paid by the Guardians, including out-relief given ‘to persons not entitled to it legally and in defiance of the law’.[150]

However, Gateshead was not alone as the nearby Chester-Le-Street and Lanchester Board of Guardians were by now also involved in legal disputes over high relief payments and ‘illegal’ payments to strikers.

Gateshead Guardians refused to raise the local rates to the levels further and instead ran up unauthorised deficits. They reiterated the argument that the inequalities of the rating system were the root cause of the problem, passing a motion:

that the heavy financial burden now imposed on the respective industrial areas in the Union through abnormal unemployment, and consequent distress, is most unjust and should be transferred to and accepted by the Government as a national responsibility. They asked that the Government consider the matter, and take steps to promote legislation to spread the cost equally over the whole of the country.[151]

Nevertheless, the legal pressure forced them to suspend the 27s payments to the wives of strikers, and in the meantime, they played for time over their surcharge, complaining that the information contained in the notices did not provide sufficient information to enable the individual members to prepare their answers. This won them a delay until December 1925 when the audit of their accounts from April 1 to July 31 1925 took place. In the meantime, they carried on operating with an overdraft sanctioned by the Ministry of Health, although further action by ratepayers to restrain the expenditure of the Board was possible.

The onset of the 1926 strike then brought even greater pressure from the Ministry of Health on the Guardians over their ‘extravagant’ payments. In June 1926, the Guardians applied for an extension of their overdraft. The Ministry of Health accepted their request provided they complied with certain strict conditions, including ‘substantial economies’. The Guardians were forced to reduce their outdoor relief scales to that recognised by the labour exchanges, and reductions were also made where children were fed by the education authorities.

Eventually, twenty-six of the Guardians were surcharged a total of £165. 6s. 6d., although they immediately appealed against the decision and the legal case was not resolved until 1928 when the surcharge was waived.

In nearby Chester-Le-Street, 42,722 out of approximately 86,000 residents were receiving relief in early July 1926.  The Board of Guardians had fifty-nine members out of which forty-seven were affiliated with the Labour Party and thirty-nine were either miners, miners’ officials, or miners’ wives. In early August the Ministry of Health issued a warning to the Board regarding their decision to provide relief to unmarried miners. Later that month, the Ministry of Health took over the administration of the Poor Law Union. By October, the Guardians faced a surcharge of about £480 for payments made to single miners. In April 1927 they appealed against the surcharge, but this failed.  However, the Durham Miners Association intervened, covering the cost with Union funds and preventing the Guardians from facing imprisonment.[152]

Main Characters

Frank Ashmead (1856-1940) was born in Upton St Leonards, the son of a farmworker who died because of an accident at work at an early age. Frank Ashmead was brought up by his mother and started work as a farm labourer at the age of eleven. He then migrated to the Forest of Dean, first working as a farm labourer, then for the Colliery company and then as a hodder at Crump Meadow. He worked his way up to be a hewer and became an active member of the FDMA. He married Mary Baker in 1878 and went on to have seven children.  In 1904 he obtained work in the Cinderford Co-operative Society as a baker’s clerk but continued to be involved with the FDMA as one of its auditors. He was also a member of the Amalgamated Union of Co-operative Employees. He held many public positions including being secretary of the Cinderford Medical Aid Association, Chair of East Dean Parish Council from 1910, a member of East Dean District Council from 1922 and Chair of the housing committee from 1924. He was appointed as a magistrate in 1926. He was a member of the Westbury Board of Guardians during the 1926 lockout.

Abraham Booth (1870 – 1938) was born in Yorkshire, the son of a grocer, and started his working life as a labourer in a colliery. He married Alice Holroyd in 1894 and had two children. By 1901 he was working as an insurance agent for a Friendly Society. In 1911 he was living in Littledean and was still working as an Insurance Agent. In 1919, he was elected as a Labour member of East Dean Rural District Council and elected a member of the Westbury Board of Guardians and was a member during the 1926 lockout. He was a President of the Cinderford Co-operative Society and a member of East Dean Parish Council, being appointed as its clerk in 1928.

Timothy James Brain (1886-1974) was born in Ruardean Woodside and started work at the age of 12 on the surface at Slad colliery. He then worked at Foxes Bridge and Trafalgar. In 1913, while working at Lightmoor, he passed an examination which qualified him to work as a deputy and in 1916 he obtained work as a deputy at Cannop. He married Edith Morgan in 1916 and had one son. He was elected as an East Dean District Labour councillor in 1919. At the same time, he was elected as a member of the Westbury Board of Guardians and was a member during the 1926 lockout. He was elected as a County Councillor for Drybrook in 1922 when he was described by the Dean Forest Mercury as belonging to “the extreme section of the Labour Party”.[153]

Albert Brookes (1898-1976) was born in Bream, the son of a miner. From July 1917 to February 1919 Brookes served in the Royal Navy in submarines, and on his return gained work at Princess Royal colliery as a hewer. He then joined the Labour Party and became active within the FDMA. In September 1921 he married Dorothy Phipps and went on to have two children.  He was a member of the Monmouth Board of Guardians during the 1926 lockout. He was blacklisted after the lockout and never worked in a pit again, and gained employment as an insurance agent. In 1926 he was elected as a councillor on West Dean District Council.

Thomas Etheridge (1896-1969) was born in Cinderford, the son of a miner. On leaving school, he started to work as an office boy in the FDMA office under George Rowlinson. He continued in a paid role as a clerk and then was appointed to the full-time role of FDMA Financial Secretary in 1920. He married Ethel Holder in 1925.

Charles Fletcher (1892-1929) was born in Stroud. His father died in 1895 and he was brought up in Muller Orphanage in Bristol. As a teenager, he was sent to work on farms in the Forest including Longley and Trow Green, where in 1911 he is recorded as living with the Teague family and working as a cowman.  He joined the BSP in 1915. During the war, he moved to Chepstow and obtained work in the shipyards and latterly as a self-employed chimney sweep. In the early 1920s, he joined the CPGB and then moved back to the Forest. In 1926, he left the CPGB and joined the Labour Party. He wrote articles on mining and industrial problems, was popular within the labour movement in the Forest and became a close friend of Williams. He died aged 37 in 1929.

Ellen Hicks (1864-1948) was born in Ross and moved to Bristol. She married Arthur Hicks in Bristol in about 1893. Arthur Hicks was also from Ross but living in lodgings in Bristol and working as a bootmaker. The couple moved to Coleford where Arthur established a boot repairer business. In 1909 they were instrumental in establishing an ILP branch in Coleford. In 1911, Ellen was among some socialist women who organised a branch of the Women’s Labour League in the Forest of Dean. The League had been founded in 1906 to promote the political representation of women in parliament and onto local bodies and was affiliated with the Labour Party. Around this time, she was involved in establishing the Dean Forest Socialist Party which was based in Coleford and whose main activists included William Morris, Tom and Mary Liddington, Arthur and Ellen Hicks and Benjamin and Annie Pope from the ILP. In 1912 Ellen Hicks was elected to the Board of the Monmouth Poor Law Guardians. Dean Forest Socialist Party was affiliated with the British Socialist Party in 1915.  Ellen Hicks was appointed as a magistrate in August 1920.

William Hoare (1883-1959) was born in Bream, the son of Thomas Hoare, a stone cutter, and Sarah Pace. They had eight children including William. Sarah Pace had two other children, born in the Monmouth workhouse before marrying Thomas Hoare in 1873. Two of William’s siblings died as children. Thomas Hoare died in 1888. In 1890 Sarah married Joseph James, a hewer and moved to Drybrook. The family went on to have three more children and moved back to Bream.

In 1901 William Hoare, at the age of 17, was living with his family in Bream and working as a hewer. He then moved to work in the South Wales coalfield, and in October 1907, he married Ann Jones from Pontypool. In April 1908, Ann died, possibly in childbirth. Hoare then moved back to live with his mother’s family in Bream and worked as a hewer at Princess Royal colliery. In July 1918, he married Beatrice Morgan and had seven children. At this time, he was working at Norchard colliery but was sacked after a dispute with the management and then gained work at Cannop Colliery. In 1919, he was sponsored by the FDMA to attend a two-year course at the Central Labour College in London.

After the 1921 Lockout, he was unemployed and helped set up the Coleford and West Dean Unemployed Committee with Tom Liddington. He then returned to work at Norchard and/or Princess Royal Collieries and was elected to the FDMA Executive. After the 1926 lockout, he was blacklisted and then possibly moved to work in the Kent coalfield and then back to Bream to work as a road sweeper.[154]

Charles Luker (1885-1970) was born in Chepstow where his father worked as a fish dealer. By 1901, the family had moved to Whitecroft where his father sold fish from the back of his cart. As a boy, Luker started work as a trammer in the mines and by 1911 he had started working as a hewer at the Crown Colliery. He married Esther Phipps in 1912 and had two children. In 1919, he was elected as Secretary of the FDMA and as an FDMA representative on the Gloucester Employment Committee. The following year, the post of Secretary and Treasurer of the FDMA were combined to form the role of Financial Secretary and Thomas Etheridge took over the role as a paid employee. In 1921, Luker was working as a hewer at Princess Royal Colliery and was elected to the political committee of FDMA Executive, whose job was to liaise with the Labour Party.  In October 1922, he was appointed as election agent and secretary of the Forest of Dean Labour Party, which were paid posts and he continued in the roles until the 1950s. In the 1920s, Luker also worked part-time as an insurance agent and became active within local government. In 1922, he was elected to the Board of the Forest of Dean School managers. In March 1922 he was elected as a County Councillor, in which role he continued up to the 1950s. In 1923 he was elected as a West Dean Rural District councillor and by 1926, he was Chairman of West Dean Rural District Council, a role he held up to the 1950s.

Charles Mason (1889-1945) was born in Brierley and started work in the mines soon after leaving school. He married Margaret Daniels in 1909 and had seven children, including the celebrated Forest author Winifred Foley. In 1922 he was elected to East Dean District Council and in 1923 he was elected as a Poor Law Guardian on the Westbury Board of Guardians. He was elected to the FDMA Executive Committee in 1919.  He was killed in an accident at Northern United colliery in 1945.

Henry (Harry) Morse (1883-1965) was born in Pigeon Green Blakeney and worked in the mines from a young age. For most of his adult life, he worked as a coal hewer at New Fancy colliery. He married Kate Potter in 1908 and they had two children. In 1925, he was elected to represent Blakeney as a labour councillor on East Dean District Council. In 1924, he was elected treasurer of the local branch of the Ancient Order of Foresters. He was elected as a Guardian on the Westbury Board in 1925.  Kate died in 1939 and in 1940, he married Eliza Vines.

George Rowlinson (1852-1937) was the agent for the FDMA from 1886 to 1918. A detailed biography and an account of his role as the agent for the FDMA can be found in Ian Wright, Coal on One Hand, Men on the Other, The Forest of Dean Miners and the First World War 1910 – 1922 published by Bristol Radical History Group.

Westbury Board of Guardians in 1926

EDRDC: East Dean Rural District Council

 

Name Home Local Authority Occupation Role
George Rowlinson Cinderford EDRDC Retired Miners’ Agent Retired
Giles Ayland Lea EDRDC Farmer Employer
W A Bennett JP Lydbrook EDRDC Grocer and Baker Employer
Frank Ashmead Cinderford EDRDC Bakers’ Clerk Employee
William Ayland Westbury Westbury Labourer Employee
J S Bate Blaisdon EDRDC Estate Agent Employer
Frederick Blanton Newnham Newnham Painter and Decorator Employer
W A Bradley Longhope EDRDC Shopkeeper Employer
Abraham Booth Cinderford EDRDC Insurance Agent Employee
Joseph Boughton Plump Hill EDRDC Farmer Employer
Claude Bullett Westbury Westbury Farmer Employer
Timothy Brain Drybrook EDRDC Colliery deputy

 

Employee
Cecil Dorothea Colchester-Weymes Westbury Westbury Aristocrat Employer
John Grindon Westbury Westbury Miller Employer
Stephen Hadingham Newnham Newnham Bank Manager Employer
W H Harding Littledean EDRDC Assurance Agent
Ernest E Higgs Awre

 

Awre Farmer Employer
George Kear Cinderford EDRDC Baker Employer
Mrs M Kerr

 

Newnham Newnham Aristocrat Employer
Bessie Lefroy JP

 

Mitcheldean EDRDC Abenhall Lodge Employer
T W Little

 

Ruardean EDRDC Gas Manufacture Employer
William Littleton Minsterworth EDRDC Farmer Employer
Charles Mason Brierley EDRDC Collier Employee
Mac Namara AET

 

W D Meredith Cinderford EDRDC Colliery Manager Employer
W Morgan

 

Harry Morse

 

Blakeney Hill EDRDC

 

Collier Employee
T Parker EDRDC

 

Professor Major John Penberthy Littledean EDRDC

 

Dean Hall Employer
William Penwarden Longhope EDRDC

 

Shop Keeper and Farmer Employer
Evelyn Stephens

 

Westbury Westbury House Wife
Daniel Walkey Cinderford EDRDC

 

Haulier Employer
Eldred Voyce

 

Mitcheldean EDRDC Bootmaker Employer
G E Warlow

 

Awre Awre vicar
R E Westaway Cinderford EDRDC

 

Grocer Employer

References

Anstis, Ralph Blood on Coal, The 1926 General Strike and the Miners’ Lockout in the Forest of Dean, Lydney: Black Dwarf, 1999.

Croll, Andy, Strikers and the Right to Poor Relief in Late Victorian Britain: The Making of the Merthyr Tydfil Judgment of 1900, The North American Conference on British Studies, 2013.

Davies, Sam, Gateshead Politics between the Wars, North East History, Volume 41, 2010.

Glynn S. and J. Oxborrow, Interwar Britain (Allen and Unwin, 1976).

Ryan, Patricia, The Poor Law in 1926 in Margaret Morris, The General Strike (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976) 358-378.

Stevens, James, The coalmining lock-out of 1926, with particular reference to the co-operative movement and the poor law. A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D., University of Sheffield, Department of Economic and Social History, February 1984.

Williams, Sian Rhiannon, ‘The Bedwellty Board of Guardians and the Default Act of 1927’, Llafur,1979, 2.4.

Tomaney, John Mrs Ann Errington of Sacriston: the political biography of a Durham miner’s wife between the wars, Women’s History Review, DOI:10.

Wright, Ian, Coal on One Hand, Men on the Other, The Forest of Dean Miners’ Association and the First World War 1910-1922 (Bristol: BRHG, 2014)

Wright, Ian, God’s Beautiful Sunshine, The 1921 Lockout in the Forest of Dean (Bristol: BRHG, 2020).

[1] Oakum is a rope made of flax fibres drenched in pine tar and was often used to seal joints or fill gaps in timber.

[2] The ten parishes were Abinghall, Blaisdon, Bulley, Churcham, Flaxley, Huntley, Littledean, Longhope, Minsterworth and Mitcheldean. The large East Dean Parish (township) was divided up into several wards which included the large mining town of Cinderford.

[3] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/martin-perkins/

[4] Monmouthshire Beacon 15 April 1893.

[5] Dean Forest Mercury 13 June 1884.

[6]  https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/william-ayland-who-trailed-his-coat/

[7]  Gloucester Journal 22 December 1934.

[8] Roger Deeks in his article The Man with no Shirt, The New Regard, Journal Forest of Dean History Society, No 40, 2024.

[9] Andy Croll, Strikers and the Right to Poor Relief in Late Victorian Britain: The Making of the Merthyr Tydfil Judgment of 1900, The North American Conference on British Studies, 2013.

[10] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/tom-liddington/

[11] Ian Wright, Coal on One Hand, Men on the Other, The Forest of Dean Miners’ Association and the First World War 1910-1922 (Bristol: BRHG, 2014) Chapter Four.

[12] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/charles-luker/

[13] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/a-life-of-toil/

[14] Barry Supple, The History of the British Coal Industry, Volume 4, 1913–1946: The Political Economy of Coal (Oxford: Clarendon, 154 – 168.

[15] C. L. Mowat, Britain Between the Wars, 1918 – 1940 (Methuen, 1955) 126.

[16] By December 1922 insured unemployment in shipbuilding was 35.6% of the workforce and in engineering was 20.6%, while the average for all industries was 12.2°/03. As these heavy industries were often concentrated in particular locations there were regions and towns where unemployment was far higher than the national average. In Scotland and Northern Ireland unemployment was over 20% and, in the Midlands, and North-East of England over 18%. Heavily dependent on shipbuilding, unemployment in Barrow-in-Furness was, 49% and in Jarrow 43%.

[17] Sian Rhiannon Williams, ‘The Bedwellty Board of Guardians and the Default Act of 1927’, Llafur, 1979, 2.4. p 65.

[18] S. Glynn and J. Oxborrow, Interwar Britain (Allen and Unwin, 1976) 33-34.

[19] Glynn and Oxborrow, Interwar Britain, 144-5 Table 5.1.

[20] Ian Wright, God’s Beautiful Sunshine, The 1921 Lockout in the Forest of Dean (Bristol: BRHG, 2020).

[21] Chester-Le-Street Chronicle and District Advertiser 28 April 1922.

[22] Dean Forest Mercury 6 May 1921.

[23] Dean Forest Mercury 6 May 1921.

[24] Dean Forest Mercury 10 March 1922.

[25] Dean Forest Mercury 8 July 1921.

[26] Gloucester Journal 2 July 1921.

[27] Wright, God’s Beautiful Sunshine, Chapter

[28] Victoria County History of Gloucestershire, A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 5, Bledisloe Hundred, St. Briavels Hundred, the Forest of Dean, Forest of Dean Settlement, 300-325.

[29] Dean Forest Mercury 8 July 1921.

[30] Harry Toomer, Gage Library.

[31] Gloucester Citizen 19 October 1921.

[32] Dean Forest Mercury 23 September 1921.

[33] Gloucester Journal  18 September 1920.

[34] Gloucester Citizen 18 January 1921.

[35] Gloucester Citizen 24 November 1921.

[36] The 1921 Census. Gloucester Journal 27 August 1921. The overall population of the town of Cinderford was 7,224, many of whom were now unemployed. See Victoria County History of Gloucestershire, A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 5, Bledisloe Hundred, St. Briavels Hundred, the Forest of Dean, Forest of Dean Settlement, 300-325.

[37] Some of the people who were still unemployed had exhausted their benefits and were now not registered. As a result, they were advised to retain their names on the register and some continued to do this. Other unemployed applications who were refused benefits did not continue to register. The number of miners claiming benefits who were also working part time in October 1921 was 1500.

[38] Lady Mather-Jackson was married to Sir Henry Mather-Jackson who was chairman of the Alexandra (Newport and South Wales) Docks and Railway, chairman of the Marianao and Havana Railway Co., deputy-chairman of the Grand Trunk Railway of Canada, of the United Railway of Havana, Cuban Central, and Western Railways of Havana, of John Lancaster’s Steam Coal Co., and the Powell’s Tillery Colliery Company, and also director of the Ebbw Vale Steel Iron and Coal Co. and the Rhymney Railway Co. He was an alderman and chairman of the Monmouthshire County Council, chairman of the Monmouthshire Quarter Sessions, Monmouthshire Standing Joint Committee, of the governors of the Monmouth Grammar School, and the Monmouth Agricultural Institute, etc. During World War One he was chairman of the Military Appeal Tribunal. He lived at Llantilio Court, Abergavenny, and 56 Montagu Square, London, W.1.

[39] Dean Forest Mercury 18 November 1921.

[40] Dean Forest Mercury 23 September 1921.

[41] Dean Forest Mercury 23 September 1921.

[42] Gloucester Journal 24 September 1921.

[43] Dean Forest Mercury 21 October 1921.

[44] Dean Forest Mercury 18 November 1921.

[45] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/william-hoare/

[46] Gloucester Journal 17 September 1921 and Gloucestershire Chronicle 24 December 1921. The adults had to work alternate weeks and in December the allowances were reduced.

[47] Western Morning News 9 September 1921 and The Times 5 October 1921.

[48] Dean Forest Mercury 7 October 1921.

[49] Dean Forest Mercury 14 October 1921.

[50] Ibid.

[51] The unemployed committee presented a case that a living wage should be 15s a week for a married man plus 15s a week for a wife plus 7s 6d per child and house rent up to 10s weekly. Single men and single women were paid £1 weekly plus extra for dependents as for married men.

[52] Dean Forest Mercury 8 October 1921.

[53] Dean Forest Mercury 9 December 1921.

[54] Gloucester Journal 16 December 1922

[55] Western Mail 5 December 1925.

[56] Ibid

[57] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/charlie-mason/

[58] S and B Webb, English Local Government, English Poor Law History: Part II, The Last Hundred Years, 1929, pp 851 – 2  quoted by Stevens in The Coalmining Lockout of 1926.

[59] James Stevens, The coalmining lock-out of 1926, with particular reference to the co-operative movement and the poor law. Thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D., University of Sheffield, Department of Economic and Social History, February 1984, 100.

[60] Dean Forest Mercury 14 May 1926.

[61] Dean Forest Mercury 29 May 1926.

[62] Gloucester Citizen 11 May 1926. https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/james-leonard-jones/

[63] Dean Forest Mercury 14 May 1926.

[64] Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons, 1927, vol. 204, cols. 583-6.

[65] Dean Forest Mercury 14 May 1926.

[66] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/thomas-etheridge/

[67] Dean Forest Mercury 14 May 1926 and Gloucester Citizen 19 May 1926.

[68] Dean Forest Mercury 14 May 1926.

[69] Ibid.

[70] Dean Forest Mercury 14 May 1926.

[71] Ibid.

[72] Gloucester Citizen 19 May 1926.

[73] The Labour Year Book, 1927, pp. 269-70.

[74] Dean Forest Mercury 14 May 1926.

[75] Ibid.

[76] Ibid.

[77] Gloucestershire Chronicle 21 May 1926.

[78]Dean Forest Mercury 28 May 1926.

[79] Gloucester Citizen 22 May 1926.

[80] Dean Forest Mercury 28 May 1926.

[81] Dean Forest Mercury 4 June 1926 and Gloucestershire Chronicle 4 June 1926.

[82] Gloucestershire Chronicle 21 May 1926 and Gloucestershire Chronicle 4 June 1926.

[83] Dean Forest Mercury 4 June 1926.

[84] Dean Forest Mercury 11 June 1926.

[85] Ibid.

[86] Dean Forest Mercury 11 June 1926. https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/charles-fletcher-gypsy-orphan-forest-of-dean-miner-and-socialist/

[87] Dean Forest Mercury 11 June 1926.

[88] Ibid.

[89] Ibid.

[90] Ibid.

[91] Ibid.

[92] Sam Davies, Gateshead Politics between the Wars, North East History, Volume 41, 2010.

[93] Dean Forest Mercury 11 June 1926.

[94] Ibid.

[95] Ibid.

[96] Eighth Annual Report of the Ministry of Health, 1926-1927.

[97] Dean Forest Mercury 11 June 1926.

[98] https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/enos-cooper-taylor/

[99] Dean Forest Mercury 11 June 1926.

[100] Dean Forest Mercury 11 June 1926.   https://forestofdeansocialhistory.co.uk/amos-james-jack-harris/

[101] Dean Forest Mercury 11 June 1926.

[102] An excellent history of the Co-operative Society in the Forest of Dean can be found in Alistair Graham’s book The Forest Pioneers, The Story of the Co-operative Movement in the Forest of Dean published by the Co-operative Society in 2002.

[103] Dean Forest Mercury 18 June 1926.

[104] Ibid.

[105] Western Mail 6 August 1926.

[106] Gloucester Citizen 4 August 1926.

[107] Gloucester Citizen 4 August 1926.

[108] Lichfield Mercury 16 July 1926.

[109] Lichfield Mercury 16 July 1926 and Western Mail 16 July 1926.

[110] Lichfield Mercury 16 July 1926.

[111] Lichfield Mercury 30 July 1926.

[112] Lichfield Mercury 10 September 1926.

[113] Daily Herald 23 August 1926.

[114] Daily Herald 19 August 1926.

[115] Gloucester Citizen 12 August 1926.

[116] Gloucester Journal 21 August 1926.

[117] Gloucester Journal 21 August 1926.

[118] Daily Herald 19 August 1926.

[119] Gloucester Citizen 21 August 1926 and 25 August 1926.

[120] Dean Forest Mercury 13 August 1926.

[121] Western Mail 11 September 1926.

[122] Western Mail 9 October 1926.

[123] Number of persons in receipt of domiciliary Poor Law relief (excluding casuals and persons in receipt of medical relief only) on the Saturday nearest to the sixteenth day in some of the Poor Law Unions in England and Wales. Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons, 1926, vol. 200, cols. 23-6.

[124] Western Daily Press 19 October 1926.

[125] Gloucester Citizen 3 September 1926.

[126] Cheltenham Chronicle 6 November 1926.

[127] A personal statement by John Williams collected by R. P. Arnot on 23 November 1961. Richard Burton Archives, SWCC/MNB/PP/16.

[128] Dean Forest Mercury 22 October 1926.

[129] Reginald Morgan, Mad Morgan, Child of the Forest, Man of the Mines (Bradford: Pavan Press, 1995) 59. Thanks to Graham Morgan.

[130] https://www.sungreen.co.uk/_Bream/BreamCharacters.htm

[131] Phelps, Forest Voices, 68.

[132] Winfred Foley, No Pipe Dreams for Father, (Coleford: Douglas Mclean Publishing, 1977), 36.

[133] Harry Roberts quoted in Phelps Forest Voices, 102

[134] According to returns furnished by the Clerks to local boards of guardians in the Eighth Annual Report of the Ministry of Health, 1926- 1927, p.136.

[135] The Labour Year Book, 1927, pp 269- 70.

[136] Gloucester Journal 29 January 1927.

[137] Gloucester Citizen 2 March 1927.

[138] Stevens, The coalmining lock-out of 1926, 66.

[139] Gloucester Citizen 30 January 1929.

[140] P. R. O. MH 57/11 9. See Stevens, The coalmining lock-out of 1926.

[141] P. R.O. MH57/ 94 quoted by Stevens, The coalmining lock-out of 1926, 88.

[142] Stevens, The coalmining lock-out of 1926, 89.

[143] Dean Forest Mercury 22 November 1929.

[144] Maurice Bent, The Last Deep Mine of Dean (Forest of Dean: Self-Published, 1988) 128-129

[145] Most of the material in this section is gleaned from an article by Williams, The Bedwellty Board of Guardians, and the Default Act of 1927.

[146] Williams, The Bedwellty Board of Guardians, and the Default Act of 1927, p 65.

[147] Letter from the Ministry of Health, 5 February 1927. Bedwellty Guardians Correspondence, 1926-7, Gwent Record Office, Croesyceiliog, Gwent quoted by Williams, The Bedwellty Board of Guardians, and the Default Act of 1927, p 65.

[148] Quoted by Wal Hannington, Unemployed Struggles, 163.

[149] Most of the material in this section is gleaned from an article by Davies, Gateshead Politics between the Wars.

[150] The Times, 20 October 1925.

[151] The Times, 17 November 1925.

[152] John Tomaney, Mrs Ann Errington of Sacriston: the political biography of a Durham miner’s wife between the wars, Women’s History Review, DOI:10, pp 9-10.

[153] Dean Forest Mercury 10 March 1922.

[154] Thanks to Andrew Davies-Hoare, William Hoare’s grandson, for providing additional information.

 

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John (Jack) Williams

Williams on the left with Noah Ablett in the centre and Frank Hodges on the right at the Miners Federation of Great Britain conference in 1927. Credit: Richard Burton Archives

John Williams was appointed as the full-time agent for the Forest of Dean Miners Association in 1922 and held this post until he retired in 1953. The article on this website, Class Struggle in the Garw Valley, covers his early life from 1888 -1922. The book We Will Eat Grass, soon to be published and  available from this website, covers the period of his life in the Forest of Dean from 1922 to 1928.

Williams was much more than a politician and trade union activist. He was a family man and a lover of the arts and music. He also had a fondness for horse racing. His brother, Emlyn, was a gifted violinist and his daughter, Nest, studied piano at the Royal Academy of Music in London. He loved the cinema, and he used to take Nest with him whenever he could.

The text below gives an account of his retirement in 1953. This is followed by transcriptions of two interviews given by Williams to R. Page Arnot in 1961 and 1963; a personal statement of his experiences as the agent for the Forest of Dean miners from 1922 to 1953 sent to Arnot in 1961 and, finally, an account of his death and funeral in 1968

Retirement

On Friday 6 November 1953 the Dean Forest Mercury carried this announcement: 

It is with regret that most of our readers will learn that with the retirement of Mr John Williams, the post of Miners’ Agent for the Forest of Dean will lapse. Forest miners have been lucky in that during nearly 70 years there have been but three holders of this key post in what is still our major industry Mr G H. Rowlinson, Mr Herbert Booth and Mr Williams. Mr Booth’s tenure of the office was comparatively short and Mr Rowlinson and Mr Williams each served for 31 years.

Both these gentlemen had a very hard struggle in their first, few years. When Mr Rowlinson was appointed in 1886, out of 5000 miners in the Forest only 50 belonged to the Union; when Mr Williams started in 1922 the position was better, but still, only one-third were in membership. In other respects, Mr Williams had an even rougher passage than his famous predecessor, for his period of office covered the black days of mining between the wars, including the lockout and general strike of 1926 and the depression of the early 1930s. He leaves his ship, however, in calmer waters, though with a much-depleted crew, now that the mines are nationalised and there is a ready sale for every ton of coal produced.

The retiring Miners’ Agent is a man of strong convictions and on that account has not always found it too easy to work with his Executive, particularly in the first few years after his appointment. No one, however, has ever doubted his sincerity or his desire to be of the utmost service to the men whom he represents and miners and the general public alike will join in wishing him health and happiness in his well-earned retirement.

On November 17, when he becomes 65 years of age, Mr John Williams of Cinderford, Miners Agent for the Forest of Dean since 1922, will retire. He leaves behind him a series of experiences gained in a very hard school that tell the story of working-class progress from penury to comparative plenty. His career has been, that of a missionary and it has had all the elements of struggle and frustration and achievement and adventure that make the story complete.

Since Mr Williams has been Miners’ Agent, he has seen the manpower of Forest of Dean coalfield fall from 7000 when he came to the present 3000.  Because of those diminishing figures, no fresh appointment of a Miners’ agent will be made. Mrs W. J. Jewell, Mr Williams’s assistant will continue as Finance Officer and Compensation Secretary for this district and she will be closely associated with the secretaryship of the Forest of Executive of the National Union of Mineworkers.

The Forest of Dean was now a shrinking part of the South Wales district of the NUM, and so there was no replacement agent. However, Birt Hinton who worked at Cannop colliery now helped to take on responsibility for local matters as chair of the Forest of Dean branch of the NUM.

In the same edition, John Williams told the Dean Forest Mercury his thoughts on the future of the coal industry in the Forest of Dean:

that if rearmament ceased there would be a glut of coal for commercial purposes as was the case between 1921 and 1939.  While we need coal, the nationalised industry is made to stand up to the losses which this district is suffering, but with a glut of coal and the high local costs of production, I doubt if the industry would be expected to stand it. But I believe that there is a prospect of the coalfield carrying on longer than is generally thought. The National Coal Board are making plans at Cannop colliery and Princess Royal in particular for more extensive operations and a more up-to-date system of mining than exists at present. 

Retirement Dinner

On Saturday evening 7 November, Williams was Guest of Honour at a dinner at the Unlawater Hotel Newnham arranged by Mrs Jewell on behalf of the Forest of Dean Miners to celebrate his career and retirement. Guests included a large number of his fellow union members and also representatives from most sections of the industry who offered praise “for his wisdom, his ideology and his ability”. The Dean Forest Mercury reported:

Since he came to the Forest in the early twenties Mr Williams, the son of a miner in the Garw Valley of South Wales and himself a miner, has endured storms and struggles that rocked the industry in those distant days, and among the large gathering at the dinner were many who have been with him through it all and they rose to acknowledge a respected leader and to wish him a long and happy retirement.

Father Morrison offered grace and the proceedings were presided over by the chairman of the Forest Miners Executive, Mr B. B. Hinton, who said that it had been a pleasure to work with Mr Williams for the past 13 years, during seven of which he had been chairman and he was able to appreciate the ability with which the agent had worked for the Forest miners. He had done much to raise the conditions of the men from those which existed when he came 30 years ago. “He has been the Father of the Forest Executive”, said Mr Hinton “and if we carry on in the way he has already led us, I don’t think the Dean miners will suffer”.

Proposing a toast to Mr Williams, Mr Will Paynter, president of the South Wales Miners’ Federation said that Mr Williams had been an outstanding character in the miners’ movement for many years. In days of the most acute depression which affected the Forest of Dean as much as South Wales, he secured a job as secretary agent in the Forest coalfield. From that time forward he had been a leading personality not only in the affairs of the miners but generally in the social life of the Forest.

With Mr Williams’s retirement, Mr Paynter went on, he was satisfied that the work he had done and the work he could continue to do would leave its mark for all time on the Forest mining community.

Mr Paynter referred to the happy relations which had existed between the miners in South Wales and the Forest and said it was not their intention to replace Mr Williams with another Miners’ Agent because they had to face the fact that the Forest was a contracting coalfield; manpower was not what it had been when Mr Williams became Agent and they had now made arrangements, in conjunction with the Forest Executive, to maintain the closest contact and leadership between South Wales and the Forest miners’ organisation. They hoped that this new arrangement would function without decreasing the services which Mr Williams had given the coalfield or lowering the high standards he had set.

Paynter said Mr Williams was a leader who was capable of relating the small things which happened in working class life to the larger events – of being able to explain a wages dispute in relation to the general problems of our society, and of being able to give an answer to the wages dispute and the general problems that faced society.

“We have too few in the leadership of the Labour and Trade Union movement off this country”, Mr Paynter said. “who are capable of giving that perspective to events. I am glad to be able to demonstrate in this way tonight our affection for Mr Williams and to express the hope that he will have a long and happy retirement during which he will continue his association with this movement, for I believe he will recognise that this association will be essential to happiness in his retirement.”

Mr Williams replied with an early reference to the help his late wife had given him. “Forest miners will never know how much they owe to her,” he said. “She was counsel for the defence of miners’ rights while she lived and few knew of her work though many benefited from it”. Mr Williams went on to refer to the valuable reforms that had occurred in the movement in his recollection and the two most important, he considered, excluding nationalisation, were the establishment of the eight-hour day and the Minimum Wages Act of 1912. He spoke from personal experience of the long hours that miners often worked to make a living, but that situation ended with the operation of the eight-hour day.

The Minimum Wage Act had far-reaching ameliorating effects, he continued, before its operation colliers working in abnormal conditions received only what was stated on the price list. One of his oldest friends, Mr W. E Parsons, could tell of working at Crump Meadow as a stoker at 2s 6d a shift.

Mr Williams then turned to members of parliament and candidates for parliament he had known in the Forest of Dean, the first of them Mr James Wignall – the most loved of them all. But of all the members and candidates who had come to the Forest in the past 30 years, none could approach their present member, Mr Philips Price, as an intellectual and a scholar.

This present generation is different from his, added Mr Williams, if only because it contained a high percentage of very clever people; his generation produced a small number of great men, and he listed some of them. His generation was concerned largely with ideals and ideas, the present generation was concerned largely with facts. Facts were subordinated to ideas because ideas embraced facts and gave birth to them. There was an ideological struggle prevailing today, but he thought that many of the differences were artificial. If the differences which divided the world today were purely ideological things would not be so bad.

Mr D Evans vice-president of the South Wales Miners Federation added his tribute to Mr Williams, who, he said was born at a time when the movement turned out great men, but he doubted whether we had advanced very much since those days for the forward march of the movement had to be measured not by the steps it had taken but by the steps it could have taken. Today the movement was inclined to turn out men as sausages come out of a machine. Mr Williams’s generation faced realities as they saw them and expressed their conclusions fearlessly – and they were not thought less of doing so. Mr Williams had served the coalfield well during the past thirty years and now they wished him a happy retirement.

Mrs Jewell read messages from several personal friends and colleagues who were unable to attend and each sent a message of admiration and best wishes. These included Sir William Lawther (General Secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers), Mr Harold Forest, MP for Bedwelty, Mr W H Crews (Secretary of the South Wales area of the NUM), Mr S L Dorrington (Secretary of the Forest Overmen’s, Deputies and Shotfirers’ Association) and Dr W H Tandy of Coleford.

Mrs Jewell then made the “staff presentation” to Mr Williams of “her own gift of an extending lamp “for being such a wonderful boss for the past 13 years”. Expressing his thanks, Mr Williams said the Forest miners were fortunate that Mrs Jewell had been in their service and would continue to be in their service and was grateful to the South Wales Executive for making their excellent arrangement.

On behalf of the Forest Executive Mr Hinton presented Mr Williams with a cheque for £51 with the wish that he would buy himself a bed. Mr Williams thanked the Executive for their gracious kindness.

Tributes to Mr Williams then came from all parts of the room – The first from Mr M Price Philips MP who said he remembered Mr Williams as Miners’ Agent since his first official connection with the parliamentary constituency. He remembered how much Mr Williams had done to build the Trade Union Movement among the Forest miners.

He recalled that an old Mr Miles of Berry Hill had once told him of the first beginnings of the miners’ movement in the Forest in 1870, and Mr Williams had since consummated what  he and his colleagues fought for while those on the political side of the movement had helped in their sphere. It was vital that the political side and the industrial side of the movement should work together.

Mr Williams had seen tragic times – the lockout of 1926 at a time when coal was a drug on the market and conditions were anything but favourable for miners to get what was their due. Today coal was as precious as gold and Mr Williams must now feel gratified and thankful for the progress that had been made.

Mr D. N. Lang, who has known Mr Williams in his capacity as a colliery manager and lately Area General Manager for the National Coal Board from which he recently retired, spoke of his admiration of the Miners’ Agent from the days when coal was lying about the collieries and could not be sold at 5s a ton and small coal at 9d a ton. They had always “agreed to differ” and now, on behalf of the colliery managers and the Group Manager (Mr J. R Tallis), Mr Lang presented Mr Williams with a cheque with the suggestion that he should use it to buy a pillow for the bed. Mr William expressed his gratitude.

A tribute to Mr Williams’s leadership in difficult times and as a strategist of unusual ability was paid by W D Jenkins formerly of the Executive and now Labour Officer of the NCB in the Forest. Similarly, and now as chairman of West Dean Rural District, Mr Albert Brookes spoke appreciatively of Mr Williams’s good work in the Forest and his ability to reason clearly which had enabled the Forest miners to benefit from his leadership.

A tribute to Mr Williams’s honesty of purpose to his work for the sick and maimed of the industry and for the Cinderford Miners’ ‘Welfare Hall as president was paid by Mr W. T. B. Nelmes, chairman of Cinderford Parish Council, who was for many years the secretary of the Hall Committee. Finally, Mr W E Oakey (manager of Eastern United colliery) spoke for the colliery managers in warm terms of a well-esteemed Miners’ Agent.

After the. speeches the room was cleared for dancing to Mr Arthur Pope’s orchestra with Mr and Mr L C Upton as MCs.

Williams continued to involve himself in the political, social and cultural life of the Forest of Dean.  He remained chairman of Cinderford Miners’ Welfare Hall and was a regular visitor to the union offices on Belle Vue Road which remained open until the end of 1961.[1]

On 10 October 1961, Williams was interviewed by R Page Arnot at the miners’ union offices in Cinderford. Also present were Birt Hinton and Bryn Williams. (Credit Richard Burton Archives)

Jack Williams I visited at around noon and met not in his house at Cinderford, but at the offices soon to be closed, down in the same Belle Vue Road. He retired some eight years ago but was still a regular visitor to the Union office. He lives alone.

Jack Williams was torn in 1888 at Kenfig Hill, near the Garw Valley. His father was a miner; his grandfather had been a mechanic in the mines. He himself entered the mines on his birthday in November in either his 12th or 13th year and the is at which he began was the International.

His earliest recollection as a small child was of the hauliers strike of 1893. He saw the riot, was in a sense actually in the riot together with his father. The manager at Blaengarw whose name was Salathiel, had brought up the militia to protect two blacklegs. The Salathiel family was very widespread and were always to be found holding post offices. He had been with his father as one of the spectators until his father joined up and he remembered his father pushing away at one of the blacklegs.

After he entered the International, he had the experience of being in an explosion. He also worked in the Ocean Colliery and in the Garw Colliery. The occasion of the explosion was this. His father had been boring a hole with a rammer, for shot firing. It was “a flat shot”, that is, the fuse misfired. Now under the regulations, it was necessary to wait 24 hours, but as often happened, the rule was broken and the approach was made to the place when an explosion occurred and burned him severely. J.W. was for six weeks in a bath of linseed oil. He was aged 14 at the time. That was in the days when black powder was used for shot firing. He had begun in the pits at a wage of ls.6d, a day, working with Will Champion.

He remembered Tonypandy, of course, very well and had worked at various other pits in the Garw area so they used to hear about what was happening. The first conference at which he was present of M.F.G.B. was in 1915, Nottingham, when Vernon Hartshorn and James Winstone were Prominent. Big Wallhead, was also prominent. He had been Chairman of the Garw District. lt was there that Frank Hodges became Agent. A peculiar step was taken of asking Hodges and another candidate to address a public meeting. Hodges’ eloquence swept all before him, and though he was less competent than Tad Gill, he was given the agency. As far as J.W. there was some religious background. He thought that Hodges had been a Baptist.

He also remembered others of those days before and during the World War. Outstanding was Noah Ablett. The simplicity and wisdom of his arguments were very attractive. He was rather like Nye Bevan, without Bevan’s speed, but a deeper thinker. He had wisdom as well as swiftness.

Ablett was one of the most sincere men he had ever met. S.O. Davies he also remembered very well, but he, like Mainwaring, was a conciliator rather than parliamentary timber, who had been well used In some big research work. Arthur Horner, always “attractively vain”, J.W.. had worked with, but the man for whom he had the highest respect of all was Harty Pollitt.

J.W.. became a checkweigher in 1914. Here Bryn Williams, who accompanied me, said that he (BW) had become a checkweigher at the age of 17.  The Lodge in which J.W. became checkweigher was Cilely (Rhondda). It was the first Lodge to have a 92 per cent membership after the 1926 Lockout.

It was in 1922 in May that J.W. first came to the Forest of Dean as Agent. From the 1874 Amalgamated Association of Miners’ conference record, I was then able to produce the name of Timothy Mountjoy. He agreed that Mountjoy was the earliest Agent in the Forest of Dean, followed by Rymer, followed by Rowlinson. Rowlinson: was succeeded by Booth, who was there only a short time because he could not face up to the problem. That problem was the existence of an enormous debt which had to be cleared off as well as every other sort of difficulty. The debt was £24,000. When J.W. came there were some 30 Lodges, with 8,000 manpower (there are now 2 Lodges).

The Executive Committee of the Forest of Dean Miners’ Association were corrupt, the owners were right inside every branch. Even after he had been an Agent for some time, he found that a pit committee had gone.to London at the behest of the managing director of a colliery and at the expense of the coal owners, to oppose part of the Mines Act.  In 1922 there were six candidates, all from outside. No candidate from the Forest of Dean was allowed.

He remembered Herbert Smith very well dour man who had sometimes the capacity to make better speakers look, second rate. Tor Richards was in his opinion, “the ablest debater in the whole of the movement, a man wise and intelligent. Straker, he had a very high opinion of but not so high of Enoch Morrell.

He then recalled the days of the National Minority Movement, when he used to be very much together with Nat Watkins, Arthur Horner, Cook and Harry Pollitt. In Cook, he never did have any great confidence. Once he (J.W.) said to Harry Pollitt about Cook; sooner or later he will sell you out. This proved to be true. In 1926 in the middle of the struggle the negotiations with Rowntree and their group were really a betrayal of the minters’ interests. On the other hand, Cook could show courage. He faced up to the fascists, but he was not always completely scrupulous and this did not accord with the views of J.W.: “I was rather puritanical perhaps”.  There is no question that Cook loved the notoriety which he had in the press and elsewhere. For the rest, he could recollect that the first resolution for one single union for the miners was moved by himself, or at any rate, from the Forest of Dean.

B Hinton„ who became secretary in 1953, was also present as well as Bryn Williams, at this interview.

On 23 November 1961, Williams sent a statement of his experiences as the agent for the Forest of Dean miners from 1922 – 1953 to Arnot. (Credit Richard Burton Archives)

A statement of conditions in the twenties and after drawn up by Jack Williams, miners’ agent in the coalfield from 12 May 1922 onwards for over thirty years and sent to me on 23 November 1961 from 52 Belle Vue Road, Cinderford Glos.

Dean Forest Mercury May 1922

I commenced my duties as Miners’ Agent in the Forest of Dean on 12 May 1922. I doubt if I would have taken the job on if I had known what the conditions which existed here at that time. Mr Frank Hodges warned in a mild way that the affairs of the Union in this district were not good. I soon found out how bad things were here.

The coalfield employed about eight thousand miners. There were about one thousand three hundred miners in the union. One colliery employing close on about one thousand miners had only thirteen members in the union.

The Executive of the union had contracted a debt of twenty-four thousand pounds arising out of the 1921 strike. The miners were demoralised. They had no faith in many of the local leaders, and this was to a certain extent understandable as I shall show later on.

I found myself in a strange world. I came from a coalfield where the miners were active and militant. Here the coal owners exercised tremendous influence in the union. I could not understand this state of affairs, and as the months went by I became very depressed. The conditions under which the miners worked was truly appalling. The wages in this coalfield were the lowest in the country. I found men working at the pit-top for four shillings a day at one colliery.

At another colliery, I found that the 1912 Minimum Wage Act had been suspended by arrangement between the union pit committee and the management. The minimum wage under the 1912 Act of Parliament in this district at the time was 7s 71/2d a shift of colliers. Under the agreement mentioned above the owners were able to pay skilled colliers less than 7s 71/2d a shift.

Some years before the Union had contracted pit of the Workmen’s Compensation Act, and had agreed upon a scheme which was decidedly in favour of the Coal Owners. I had been here about nine months before I made a breakthrough, and this happened by accident. A workman came to see me about his compensation. During my talk with him, he let slip something else. He told me that the workmen at his colliery had not received a payment which was due to them. I said to him that we could compel the colliery company to pay this money, but he was not prepared to let me take this on.

I reported the matter at the next meeting of my Executive, and I asked to be allowed to make a claim on behalf of all the workmen at this colliery and to recover the amount due to the workmen. TO my astonishment I was told that I was not to make the claim, on the grounds that the Executive had agreed with the Colliery Company that the workmen had no case. I knew that this was wrong; because the National agreement specifically provided for this payment.

I could stand this state of affairs no longer, and decided to defy the Executive. I went to the Colliery and advised a meeting of the workmen to take action. They were gals to see me, and they authorised me to make a claim. This I did, but the answer of the Colliery Company was “No” to my demand. I went to the colliery again to meet the workmen, and I persuaded them to stop work until they were paid. There was no work the next day, and on the same day the colliery manager sent for me and I met him. He did his best to get me to compromise, but I stuck to my guns. H had to pay each workman over twelve months’ back pay. This settlement reflected very badly on my Executive. Most of them were pilloried by the members over their decision to support me. However, when I reported my success at the next meeting of my Executive, they passed a resolution condemning me for defying them. There was considerable dissatisfaction among ordinary members over this resolution.

I now set myself the task of getting rid of the scheme under which workmen were paid compensation for injuries sustained during their employment. My first difficulty was to convince the Executive that the workmen would be much better off under the Compensation Act. I got a bare majority to get on with the job. We met the owners to discuss the subject. The air was tense and bitter. The owners knew that nearly half the Executive were against going under the Act. One of my worst handicaps throughout was that the Owners always knew our next move. After stormy negotiations, the owners caved in. The injured workers were overjoyed with the increases in the rates of compensation which followed this settlement.

Similar action was taken to restore the working of the 1912 Minimum Wage Act at the Collieries where it had been suspended. By now the membership was increasing gradually. This area is traditionally a non-unionist area. Add to this the fact the Union was never popular then it will be seen what an uphill struggle it was here.

It was around about 1924 that I went through a dramatic experience. The Miners’ Federation negotiated a National Wage Settlement. This settlement covered every district in the country, but true to form the coal owners in this district refused to conform to the terms of the National Agreement. I realised I had the stiffest fight on.

I reported the position to the Miners’ Federation. It took our case up with the National Owners’ Association but got nowhere. In the end, my Executive was invited to London to meet a joint meeting of the National Coal Owners and the MFGB. The local coal owners had been invited as well.  The National Coal Owners declared it was a matter for the local owners, and the local Union to settle among themselves. Mr Arthur Cook met us in an adjoining room and gave us the decision. This looked like the end of our campaign. The Wembley Exhibition was on at the time. After the decision was made known to us, the Local Owner invited my executive to go with them to the Exhibition and then to have dinner with them. Most of them wanted to accept the invitation, but rightly or wrongly I advised against it.

At the next meeting that this course involved I proposed that we should take strike action. I knew this course involved a tremendous risk. Even now about half the workmen were out of the union. Only two of us on the Executive were in favour of taking this action, but the issue was taken to the lodges, and a majority of them decided to support the strike action. Notices were handed to the owners. On the day the strike started the workmen at three of the largest coalfields refused to strike. We organised a demonstration to one of the collieries. The workmen at this colliery were ashamed to go to work the next day. The next morning, we organised another demonstration headed by the town band to another colliery. This took place between five and six in the morning. After two days all the collieries were idle. On the second day of the strike, I was sent for by the Managing Director of the most up to date colliery in the district. No negotiations took place at our meeting. He simply announced that he was going to pay the workmen at his colliery in accordance with the terms of the National Agreement.

I convened a mass meeting of the workmen, and when I stated that I had made a settlement the crowd cheered madly. Nothing has happened like it in the history of the district. I made similar settlements at every other colliery in the district inside a week. I was asked to make these settlements myself by the mass meeting. The Executive was excluded from the negotiations. As a result of this strike the workmen got fifty thousand pounds in back pay; and they continued to enjoy the financial benefits of the National Agreement until the 1926 national strike.

In the meanwhile, I had another job to do but this time it was a job which involved the workmen as well as the Coal Owners. One of the largest collieries in the district know as Eastern United Colliery worked a system know as the Butty System. It was a vicious and wholly corrupt affair. Under it one man could exploit several of his mates. It was a paradise for back scratchers, but a wicked hardship for most colliers. The system was simple but very successful for the Coal Owners. One collier would be put in charge of several others. The Butymen would be paid on a price list while the colliers working for him would only get the District Minimum. Not more than a dozen workmen were in the Union at this colliery. No workman dared mention the union at this colliery. Most of the Buttymen were undercover agents for the management, and the managing director was as tough as they make them. However, there was a revival of goodwill among those colliers who were being exploited by the Buttymen.

We arranged to call a meeting of the workmen to consider the problem of the Butty System. To my surprise, the workmen flooded to the meeting. A resolution was passed to ballot the workmen on the system, and Mr Wallace Jones was appointed the executive member to represent the colliery on the Executive.

We held the ballot, and we had an overwhelming vote in favour of abolishing the system. As a result of his activities in organising opposition to the Butty System, he was sacked. I got him work at another colliery belonging to the same company, and in the meantime, he was appointed Check weigher at his own colliery, and throughout he gave signal service to the union of this district. The credit for this success belongs mainly to Mr Wallace Jones.

The colliery was like a prison before. Things changed drastically, after this, and the membership increased rapidly, and I was able to improve the conditions under which the men worked. For example, the workmen had to work in bad air. There was hardly enough air to burn a candle. One candle would last a whole shift. This state of affairs shortened the lives of miners tremendously. I was glad to get the chance to put this right. I brought the terms of the Mines Act to bear on the situation, and as soon we got the foul air removed from all the coal face.

The year 1926 arrived and by now the district was well organised. The personnel of the Executive had changed. Younger men had been appointed to it, and I was greatly helped by them. The strike started well for us. The workmen responded splendidly to their obligations. A host of dramatic events took place during that prolonged and agonising strike.

I shall cite one or two, or two, special experiences which represented more or less whatever was taking place during the strike. After about four months the miners were getting angry/. A few men at most of the collieries were going back to work. It happened that I had been instructed to invite Arthur Horner to the district to address a few meetings. In the meantime, the Executive was asked to hold a mass meeting of all the miners in the district and to form a demonstration to go to Cannop Colliery to meet the blacklegs coming out of the pit. Arthur Horner was at hand and he addressed the meeting with me. However, I suggested that I did not wish him to take part in this demonstration because I knew from previous experiences that it would be difficult to control the crowd, and I realised that he was not long out of prison himself.

The meeting was held at a centre called the Speech House. The colliery to which the demonstration was going was about one mile away. The crowd was very agitated, and I did everything I could to sober things up. I resigned myself to the idea that I would be arrested. The higher-ups in the police had been trying to get me for some time, and I was convinced that this was it.

We reached the colliery which was in the middle of the woods. There were several approaches to it. I looked for some members of the Executive so as to post them at the various approaches to the colliery, but some of them had disappeared.

The demonstration should have stopped outside the colliery premises, but instead, the crowd flocked onto the pit top and surrounded it. I went with them. I would like to say something that was noble and romantic about that demonstration. The last thing they wanted was to get me into trouble. Scores begged me not to go with them. They wanted to do the job themselves. The demonstration had arrived at the pit top about twenty minutes before the Blacklegs came up the pit. I was about to address the crowd when a police inspector approached me and said to me.

“This is an unlawful assembly, Mr Williams.” I said, “Yes it is.” I did not attempt to argue the point with him, I knew he was right. All I said was that I would do my best to keep the situation under control. While the Inspector was talking to me there was a prolonged hush. I then stepped onto a piece of timber and addressed the workmen.  I told them that we had already broken the law, and I was personally responsible for what had happened. I asked them if they would agree to an idea I had put before them. I asked them if they would agree to let me, myself approach each blackleg as he came towards the main road leading from the colliery. They agreed to this idea but were disappointed as many wanted to set about the blacklegs.

As the first blackleg came forward I approached him and remonstrated with him. The same procedure was followed with each of them. There was a frightening silence, prevailing throughout.

After the last Blackleg had passed by, I announced the answers I had received from each of the Blacklegs. Most of the answers I received were favourable, and these were cheered loudly, and prolonged, but the unfavourable answers were booed much more loudly and bitterly.

I know expected to hear from the police about this unlawful assembly which had taken place. I gathered there had been a conference of the police on the affair, and though there could be no doubt that unlawful assembly could easily be proved, no action was taken.

However, this was the beginning of the end of the strike in the Forest of Dean. Nearly every day now I was called to most of the collieries to deal with men returning to work. The workmen had been out of work for over four months. They had not received a penny strike pay out of our funds. We had no funds. The only payment received by the workmen of this district was one payment out of what was described as “Russian Money”.

By the end of five months all the workmen in two collieries had gone back to work and a considerable number at the other collieries as well. Some of the workmen had no food to take to work, and were without any until pay-day. I managed to keep two large collieries idle to the end of the strike. The situation was a nightmare for me, and when it was all over, I had to start from the beginning again to organise the district.

In the thirties I moved a resolution at a National Conference asking the Executive to make an application for an increase in wages. Mr Joe Jones, the President told the Conference that it was not a suitable time to make the application. I pressed this demand home at subsequent conferences, and in the end, Joe Jones gave an undertaking that the Executive would look into the matter. An application was made and we got nine pence a day flat rate. It was the first increase in wages the miners had received since 1924.

The second world war came, and nothing very eventful took place in the Mining Industry until the war ended. Soon afterwards the mines were nationalised.

I would like to state that I was a member of the Miners Minority Movement throughout, and I received considerable help from Harry Pollitt, Nat Watkins and Arthur Horner.

I moved the first resolution at our National Conference to convert the old Miners’ Federation of Great Britain into one Union. This was done by the Minority Movement through my district which was associated with the Minority Movement/ I had no seconder for the motion. I moved the same resolution the following year. In the end the National Executive took over and formed the NUM.

I hope I am not too modest in mentioning something I did in 1923 or early 1924. The National Conference was discussing wages at Blackpool. I moved a resolution suggesting that we should ask the government for a subsidy to enable the industry to give the miners a badly needed increase in wages.

The officials scoffed at me, and the delegates ridiculed me, but one member of the National Executive was in favour of my idea, the revered Mr. Straker. The National Executive was under pressure from the districts on the question of increasing wages. After the conference the Executive was stuck.

A strike was risky, and so for Mr Straker told the Executive Committee that he thought there was something to be said for the idea. Roughly nine months from the date of the National Conference at Blackpool the industry received a subsidy of twenty million pounds.

I am sure that I fought the first case in which a claim was made to get compensation for Silicosis. The South Wales Miners Federation was the pioneer in getting Silicosis schedules under the Compensation Act. They spent thousands of pounds on the task. I put in a claim for compensation for a workman, on the day the schedule came into force.

Interview with John (Jack) Williams on 25 July 1963 by R. Page Arnot and Dai Francis. (Credit Richard Burton Archives)

On Friday the 19 July, I was driven by Dai Francis, via Newport (where we had a traffic hold up of half an hour) by Chepstow and up the bank of the Severn to the Forest of Dean. There we found Jack Williams, now aged 75. He was rather flustered at not having immediately recognised Dai Francis. But Dai raised him from his dolour by speaking in Welsh. Jack had not used the language for over forty years but he responded slowly but correctly. His face gradually lit up.

Re-calling the past, he said there had been an SDF in the Gawr Valley and, of course, in the Rhondda. Moth Jones who died in 1961 aged 84 had been a pioneer. There was also Watkin Wynn. The first conference he attended was held long ago in Nottingham. He was a delegate along with Frank Hodges, then the agent for the Gawr. There was an incident of Hodges with a girl in the hotel. It was the first time he had ever imagined such a thing could take place.

He knew Ramsey Macdonald personally, had walked with him at the time of the TUC at Bournemouth. A majority of the Labour MPs were willing to go with Macdonald in 1931, Such people particularly as Shinwell was “a lickspittle.” He remembered Ernest Bevin after Shinwell had made a speech getting up and shouting out thrice “Dirty Shinwell”. I t was Arthur Henderson and the General Council who pulled the Labour members back from following Macdonald. “When afterwards you heard Shinwell and others attacking Macdonald, and you know this, it made you think much less of them.”

His main interest at the moment was to think out ways of combating the danger represented by the Catholic Church.

I had explained at the beginning that in writing to Dai Francis I had suggested that if we had to be in the Forest of Dean we should call on an old friend. He said he was greatly honoured. He also told how when on the Executive he had conceived a high regard for the honesty of outlook and expression of Dai Francis

Death

Williams died on 15 March 1968 three years after the last deep mine in the Forest of Dean was closed. His obituary in the Lydney Observer reveals a man whose contribution to society was extensive:

We have received some further details of the life of Mr John Williams who rendered distinguished service to the miners of the Forest of Dean during the 30 years he was their agent, and who died at the Dilke Memorial Hospital on Wednesday of last week. Mr Williams had been present at the foundation of this hospital and had rendered years of service to it and the Gloucester Royal Infirmary. Many years later, as a patient in both hospitals, he was grateful for the excellent nursing given to him. 

During his life, he was responsible for many reforms. Before the existing National Health Service, he organised a pilot scheme in South Wales, which anticipated to some extent the benefits enjoyed today. It is believed that he was solely responsible for establishing the means by which miners could convalesce by the sea, a unique experience for many of them. His work at the Gloucester Court of Referees was particularly successful owing to his innate ability to put the points at issue, difficult though they often were, in clear, simple language.[3] For this reason, he will be remembered with gratitude by many ex-miners.

In many spheres, he was ahead of his time. He knew both Sylvia Pankhurst and Annie Besant and was an active supporter in the agitation to get women the vote. On one occasion he was struck by a baton during a Trafalgar Square demonstration. He was a lifelong freethinker and was not afraid to offend the religious susceptibilities of his contemporaries. His activities in the political and trade union movements brought him into contact with many colourful personalities including the young Jeanie Lee and Aneurin Bevan, Sir Stafford Cripps, Sir Richard Ackland, James Griffiths, Hewlett Johnson the “Red” Dean of Canterbury and Professor J. B S Haldane.

Although a left-winger in the Labour movement, he admired and liked Ernest Bevin and considered Ramsey Macdonald to be head and shoulders above other labour leaders in intellectual attainment and defended him under attack. An admirer of Churchill’s speeches, he shared with him his love for Gibbon’s “Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire”. As a young boy, he would travel from South Wales to London to see the first performance of a play by Bernard Shaw and until his last illness kept his love of the arts.

Through all his vicissitudes he was loyally supported by his wife Margaret, who was of invaluable help to this remarkable man.  Cremation took place at Cheltenham on Saturday morning. Mourners were Mr Dennis Williams (son), Mrs Margaret Nest Sinnott (daughter), Mr Emyln Williams (brother), Mr David Jones of Pillowell and close associates. The service was conducted by a member of the Cheltenham Humanist Society.

 

 

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Dispute over Gale Bounderies

These letters and map are from the Gloucester archives. They  are about a dispute that took place in the 1860s between the owners of Darkhill Endeavour and Darkhill Colleries over the boundaries of their gales. One of the signatories of the letter was Thomas Constant from Noxon Farm and the other was George Atkinson from Perrygrove Farm. The letter appears to have been drawn up at Perrygrove, which is just outside Coleford.

Here is an attempt to transcribe them.

Perrygrove

October 6 1868,

Dear Sir,

Mr W James of Bream has told me that you ignore the arrangement partially entered into between yourself and  Mr James and Titanic Steel and Iron Co. to working the Darkhiill Endurance and Darkhill deep levels as to avoid any dispute arising out of a trespass committed by your former lessee and the consequent damage and injury done to the workings of the Darkhill deep level and that you have given him (Mr James) instructions to work the coal 65 yards to the side from your level road. 

This I beg to say is at least about 20 yds further than the arrangement to referred to will give you. I wish therefore to know positively from your stance whether you intend to abide by the former boundary as set by me on your joint requests or intend to claim as you say 65 yds as I must in the latter case report this affair to the Titanic Steel Company that they may take their own course in the matter. I wished the affair settled amicably and thought that you had agreed to it previously (?) the Titanic Co to this effect. 

Thomas Constant, George Atkinson and  others.

The Constants were free miners who mined coal and iron ore in Noxon Park and elsewhere. They were also tenants of Noxon Farm near Bream which was owned by the Clearwell Estate before it was bought by the Crown in 1919.  The Constants held the tenancy of Noxon farm from about 1650 until 1869. The tenancy of Noxon Farm was held by Israel Constant (1741-1790) and then by his son John Constant (1771-1851).  After the death of John Constant his son, Thomas Constant (1820-1869), inherited the tenancy.

In the 1770/80s Israel Constant and Joseph Constant worked a pit called New Work in Noxon Park. In the 1790s, Israel Constant mined coal with others in Noxon Park at levels called Dog Kennel and Merry Way.

When Israel’s son John Constant registered as a free miner in 1838, he was mining coal at Nags Head and Stoning Stile Level. In 1841, he was mining Endeavour Level at Dark Hill and Drybrook Folly level. There is no record of Thomas Constant registering as a free miner.

George Atkinson was a mining engineer and colliery owner from Wallsend near Newcastle upon Tyne.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Granny Kent

Phoebe Hager was probably the last woman who lived in the Forest of Dean who had worked underground in a mine. Phoebe was born in Woolaston, the Forest of Dean in 1847, the daughter of John Hager and Mary Batty. Soon after her birth, the family moved to Cwmbran where John obtained work in the iron mines.

When Phoebe was nine years old, she started working in the iron mine with her father. Her job was to sort the lumps of ore from the earth as it was thrown back by her father from the face where he was extracting the ore often using explosives.

She worked in the mine for two years and then started to work making bricks in a brickyard. The bricks were handmade and she claimed she could work as fast as any man making up to 12 bricks a minute. While the blast furnaces at Tredegar were being built, she had the task of making the special lining bricks. As the last load was being taken from the yard, the other workmen lifted her onto the truck which carried her to Tredegar to see the results of her labour.

The only schooling Phoebe received was when she attended Sunday school. However, when she grew up, she educated herself and enjoyed reading, playing cards and going to the cinema.

Her first child, Joe, was born in 1870 in Cwmbran. Her partner was Charles Kent and they went on to have seven children. Charles was one of the workers involved in building the Severn Tunnel between 1873 and 1886. According to the census:

In 1881, she was living on Parkend Road in Bream with Charles and 4 children. Charles was working as a labourer in an iron works.

In 1891, she was living in Bream Eaves. Charles was working as a labourer in a coal mine.

In 1901, she was living in Bream Eaves. Charles was working as a labourer.

In 1911, she was living in Bream Eaves. Charles was working as a labourer in a coal mine.

Charles died in 1917

Phoebe and Charles had five sons Joe, Charles, John (Jack), William and Fred.  Three of these men served in the military during World War One. Sadly, Joe died in a prisoner-of-war camp in December 1918. They had two daughters Julia and Elizabeth.

When Phoebe moved to Bream she gained a reputation for her cooking abilities. When Charles met with an accident in a local colliery, she earned some income by baking bread and cakes often using three sacks of flour a week. The cakes were in great demand and up to the age of 79 she supplied the cakes for the Non-Conformist Sunday School events in the village. She was especially noted for her toffee cakes and lardees. She also made little pads and iron holders to give away to visitors.

In the last period of her life, she became known as Granny Kent and she lived with her daughter Julia and son-in-law Sam Cox. She died in 1939 at the age of  92.

A picture of Granny Cox can be found on the Sungreen website . .https://www.sungreen.co.uk/Bream_1/Granny-Kent.htm

Further details of the life of Joe Kent can be found in Ian Hendy’s book ‘Retrieving Wenty’s Bird’, The Story of the Bream Cenotaph 1921 – 2001, (Lydney: Black Dwarf Publications, 2001) 60- 64.

References

Ancestry

Dean Forest Mercury 24 February 1939.

Sungreen

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Tom Liddington

Thomas Liddington (1875-1961) was born in Com, Aylburton. He was the son of a labourer who worked in agriculture, coal shipping and as a railway plate layer. Thomas married Mary Niblet in 1898 and they had one adopted son, Albert. The family moved to Parkend in about 1885.

Thomas’s first job was as a railway porter and then by 1901 he was working as a fireman operating a stationary engine probably at a pit head. In 1904 he was working on a gang for the Severn and Wye Railway repairing track near Trafalgar colliery when he was accidentally struck in the arm by another workman with his pick causing a serious wound.[1] He moved to Newland Street in Coleford sometime before 1911 where he worked as an assistant superintendent for the Cooperative Insurance Society.

Tom Liddington, centre with hat, was chair of Milkwall Charity Committee in 1914. Regular meetings were held at Milkwall Mission Hall. The object of the Milkwall and District Charity Committee was to raise money for local hospitals, and for deserving local people. There was a great effort on ‘Band Sunday’ when marching bands proceeded to the Scarr Bandstand. Up to 9 local bands were often present. Credit: Sungreen.

Thomas joined the Independent Labour Party in about 1908 when a branch was formed in Coleford and started putting forward candidates in local elections. Thomas was elected to West Dean District Council from 1910 to 1925 where he campaigned for social housing and other working-class interests. He was also elected to the Coleford Urban District Council between 1913 and 1919 and was elected as a manager of the Coleford schools. In 1915 he joined the British Socialist Party.[2] In 1917 he was elected to represent Coleford on the Monmouth Board of Guardians and in 1918 he was elected as Secretary of the Forest of Dean Commoners Association. As a representative of Coleford on the Monmouth Board of Guardians Thomas argued in favour of destitute families during the 1921 miners’ lockout in the Forest of Dean where he helped persuade the other Guardians to grant temporary loans.

After the lockout, he became actively involved in the Coleford and West Dean Unemployed Committee whose main objectives were to support the unemployed in obtaining unemployment benefit or relief at the Board of Guardians and to lobby the authorities for work schemes for the unemployed with rates of pay based on trade union conditions of work.

He appears to have disappeared from public life after 1925.

[1] Gloucester Journal 9 July 1904.

[2] The British Socialist Party (BSP) was a Marxist political organisation established in Great Britain in 1911. In 1916, following a protracted period of factional struggle, the party’s anti-war forces gained decisive control of the party and saw the defection of its pro-war Right Wing. After the victory of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia at the end of 1917 and the termination of World War I the following year, the BSP emerged as an explicitly revolutionary socialist organisation. It negotiated with other radical groups in an effort to establish a unified communist organisation, an effort which culminated in August 1920 with the establishment of the Communist Party of Great Britain.

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William Ayland who Trailed his Coat

William Ayland (1854 – 1934) was born in Westbury-on-Severn and lived in the parish all his life. He was the son of Job Ayland who was a carpenter and wheelwright. Westbury-on-Severn is a large parish, six miles across and the main industry is agriculture. As William grew up, he got to know all the roads and footpaths and became personally acquainted with most of the inhabitants of the parish.

Photo is from the The forest of in old photographs, A second selection, by Humphrey Phelps. The credit for the photo in Phelps’s book is A Ayland.

William attended the Broad Oak Wesleyan Chapel where he became a teacher at its Sunday School. He married Elizabeth Grindon in 1878 and they went on to have five children. He was a long-serving member of the Manchester Unity of Oddfellows (Gloucester District) Friendly Society and eventually filled all the posts on its committee

On leaving school William started work at the Bullo Pill Wagon Works. Kelly’s directory for 1879 lists William as working as a farm bailiff for W Symes. The 1881 census lists him as working as an agricultural labourer. Later in the 1880s, he established a business transporting coal and other goods to Gloucester with a horse and van.  However, in 1911, the census lists him as working as a general labourer.

All his life William sought to represent the interests of the poor in his parish and believed this could be achieved by ‘working men’ having representatives in local and national government. Consequently, as a young man, he became interested in politics and joined the Liberal Party.

However, up to 1894 in parish elections, councillors were elected by a system of weighted voting, with those owning more property having multiple votes. For instance, a cottager had just one vote while a farmer might have six (if he owned his farm, twelve). On the passing of the Local Government Act (1894) by the Liberal government, the multiple-vote system was abolished and the Parish of Westbury became an Urban District with a Council of twelve, elected every three years (one-third of the council was elected in April each year). To be eligible for election, a candidate was required to be on the electoral register and to have resided in the district for twelve months before the election. Women were permitted to be councillors.

These reforms meant that it was now more likely working-class people could be elected to roles in local government. At the election of the first Council in December 1894, William was at the top of the poll.[1] He was then able to use his position to challenge the interests of the wealthy landowners in the parish. In his obituary in December 1934 the Gloucester Journal reported:

On the Urban Council, one of his special cares was the footpath. It must be remembered that though the district was called urban it was a thinly populated agricultural area. The farmer could drive his horse and cart, but others had to walk and woe betide the farmer who put barbed wire across a path or stile that was difficult to climb.[2]

Also in 1894, he was elected onto the Boards of the Westbury Board of Guardians to administer the Poor Law. The Gloucester Journal obituary goes on to say:

He was a guardian of the poor and not of the Poor Law. His intimate knowledge of the entire population of poor folk would influence this. Nobody got any relief unless they applied, but doubtless many applications were due to William’s prompting.[3]

In 1918, he became disillusioned with the Liberal Party and their capacity to represent working-class interests and so he joined the Labour Party. He also joined the Workers Union which was a general union. During the 1910s, it was the largest general union in the UK and successfully recruited agricultural and industrial workers. However, the Workers Union entered a rapid decline in the 1920s and eventually became part of the Transport and General Workers’ Union.

During the 1926 miners’ lockout, William combined with other Labour Guardians to try and challenge the majority on the Board who were hostile to the miners. In August 1926, despite opposition from Labour members, the Board decided to cut off all relief to the destitute wives and children of the locked-out men. This was only the second Board to cut off relief to the mining community and contrasted with most other districts where miners’ dependents continued to receive support.

Boards of Guardians were abolished in 1930 by the Local Government Act 1929, when their powers and responsibilities passed to local and national government bodies, including public assistance committees. William continued in his role as a local councillor until just before his death in 1934.

The Gloucester Journal ends William’s  obituary with this:

In an agricultural district it was a kind of social impertinence for a “working man” to want to fill a public office. Against this particular ideal, William trailed his coat. He lived to a good old age and did his job.

[1] South Wales Daily News 20 December 1894.

[2] Gloucester Journal 22 December 1934.

[3] Gloucester Journal 22 December 1934.

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The Coleford Socialists

This article first appeared in an editon of the New Regard, a publication of the Forest of Dean Local History Society in May 2024.  

At the beginning of the twentieth century, a small group of socialists from Coleford kickstarted a process that would transform the political landscape of the Forest of Dean. It began when the Liberal consensus in the Forest of Dean was challenged by establishing a branch of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in Coleford in 1908. Soon other branches were established in Lydney, Cinderford, Yorkley, Parkend and Bream.1

Established in 1893, the ILP was an attempt to create a working-class organisation politically independent of the Liberal Party and to campaign for working-class representation in the democratic process.2 Keir Hardie, a Scottish ex-miner, socialist, internationalist, Christian and pacifist, was one of its main leaders. ILP members came from ideologically diverse traditions. For some, their beliefs were based on Christian principles and for others their belief was based on a sort of secular religion combined with ethical socialism. The ILP provided an opportunity to campaign against social injustice or for a peaceful evolution towards social cooperation.

The cover of a pamphlet from the second conference of the ILP held in 1894 in Manchester featuring the ILP leader, Keir Hardie. Image: Working Class Movement Library.

In 1900, the ILP was instrumental in founding the Labour Representation Committee (LRC) jointly with other affiliated organisations including some trade unions. Its main function was to support ‘Labour’ MPs in parliament and recommend candidates to stand in elections. In the 1906 general election, the LRC won 29 seats and afterwards, the MPs decided to adopt the name ‘The Labour Party’. In the Party’s early years, the ILP provided much of its activist base as the Party did not have individual membership until 1918 but operated as a conglomerate of affiliated bodies.

coleford ILP

The first secretary of Coleford ILP was Llewellyn Griffiths, an insurance agent and later a postman, who lived on Boxbush Road. The Coleford ILP membership included trade unionists such as James Sayes who had been sacked from his job at Wimberry Slade drift mine, which was owned by Cannop colliery, in October 1911 for organising a strike against non-unionism. Others included Arthur Sheldon who worked as a foreman stone mason in a local quarry, and William Smith who worked as a hewer at Cannop Colliery. During 1911, Smith was President of the Forest of Dean Miners Association (FDMA), the trade union representing the Forest of Dean miners who made up the biggest proportion of the workforce in the Forest.

Arthur Sheldon. Image: Ancestry

Not all members of the Forest ILP were industrial workers as shopkeepers and tradesmen also joined the party. Arthur Hicks, a bootmaker, was elected the secretary of the Coleford branch of the ILP in 1910.3 Also active was Tom Liddington an insurance worker who lived on Newland Street, and in the past had worked on the railways and in the mines, and William Morris (nicknamed the oldest socialist in the Forest) who ran an ironmonger’s shop on St John’s Street in Coleford.

Women’s Labour League

In 1911, some socialist women organised a Women’s Labour League branch in the Forest of Dean. The League had been founded in 1906 to promote the political representation of women in parliament and local bodies and was affiliated to the Labour Party. These included Ellen Hicks, Mary Liddington, Annie Tomlins, who was a schoolteacher, and Annie Pope, who trained as a nurse and had been a member of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF), a small socialist and Marxist party founded in 1881. Annie Pope helped run the Waverley, a temperance hotel, with her husband Ben and Annie Tomlins was a resident at the hotel.

Annie Pope
Forest of Dean Miners Association

The Miners Federation of Great Britain (MFGB), which represented the local miners’ associations nationally, did not affiliate to the LRC until 1909. The conflict between liberalism and socialism manifested itself amongst Forest of Dean miners. During the years from 1886 to 1918, the full-time agent for the FDMA was George Rowlinson, a member of the Liberal party. He opposed attempts by Smith and other miners to affiliate the FDMA to the Labour Party. There was a split between those miners, mainly from the Cinderford area, who supported Rowlinson and the Liberals, and those miners, mainly from West Dean, who supported Smith and the ILP.

George Rowlinson. Image: Dean Heritage Centre

The MP for the Forest of Dean from 1892-1911 was Sir Charles Dilke, a popular Liberal MP and an independent thinker, ready to defy the party whip on labour issues especially in support of the Forest miners. After his death on 26 January 1911, an election was called for the following month.

The National Executive of the Labour Party decided that, given the large working-class population in the Forest, a Labour candidate should be selected.4 The Executive proposed that Robert Smillie, the Vice President of the MFGB, should stand in the next election. Smillie visited the Forest to discuss his nomination in early February and this was followed by a meeting of representatives of all the trade unions in the Forest of Dean. Rowlinson and some of his supporters on the FDMA Executive successfully argued against backing a Labour candidate, insisting on the continued support for the Liberals.5

The Liberals selected Sir Henry Webb from Hereford, a member of the gentry who was fond of fishing and shooting. He also held considerable financial interests in the coal industry, including a directorship of the Ocean Coal Company in South Wales. He was also a shareholder of the Norchard Colliery in Lydney. Webb won the election against the Conservative Party candidate. In response, Smith and the ILP started a campaign within the mining community to sponsor a Labour candidate to run in any future general election. However, Rowlinson told a meeting of miners in August 1911 that if they decided to run a Labour candidate, they would have to find the cash themselves as not a single penny of FDMA money would be made available to them.6

The Clarion

A popular newspaper among the Coleford socialists was the Clarion which was founded by Robert Blatchford as a weekly Socialist newspaper. Clarion Vans toured the country distributing socialist propaganda and made regular visits to Coleford first arriving in 1897. Clarion readers organised branches and various activities such as cycling clubs, music societies and rambling clubs. Arthur Hicks was secretary of the Clarion Cycling Club in Coleford. This excerpt from the Clarion in August 1911 reveals that Coleford was the centre of Socialist activity in the Forest at the time:

“Meetings throughout the Forest of Dean continue to be well attended. Collections and sales are, however, small, on account of the extreme poverty of the districts worked. Following the formation of a Branch at Ruardean, similar good results followed at Ruardean Hill, Drybrook, and Lydbrook. The work is being followed up by the men from Coleford and elsewhere, and the movement is now well afoot through the Forest constituency. At Cinderford I had a bad pitch and poorer crowds than I expected, but Lydbrook and Coleford did decidedly better. Smith, of the Miners’ Union, gave me a rest one night, and Morris, of Coleford, also spoke; while Arthur Hicks, has seldom been absent, and has been of immense help during the last few weeks.”7

Clarion van used to tour the country to promote socialist ideas. Image: Independent Labour Publications.

In 1911, the railwaymen in the Forest of Dean supported a national strike. In March 1912, a successful coal strike in support of a demand for a minimum wage was supported by miners in Coleford, many of whom worked at Cannop Colliery. These strikes strengthened the link between local trade unionists and the ILP.

1912 Election

In early 1912, Webb was appointed as a Junior Whip. The rules at the time required that MPs appointed as Junior Whips were required to face the electorate again. This provided a new opportunity for Labour supporters in the Forest to stand a candidate against Webb.

A meeting to establish the Dean Forest Labour Party was held at Speech House at the end of April 1912 attended by over 600 people. Smith chaired the meeting and explained that the object of the meeting was to consider putting forward a candidate to contest the parliamentary election in May 1912. James Sayes put the following resolution to the meeting:

In the opinion of the meeting, it was necessary that the workmen of the Forest should be represented in Parliament by a member who was independent of the Liberal or Tory parties, and that they call on the Executive Committee of the Forest of Dean Miners’ Association to take immediate steps to open negotiations with the Miners’ Federation to recommend a Labour candidate to contest the pending election.8

The resolution was passed unanimously with supporting comments from Arthur Sheldon and William Morris and it was suggested that Smith should be the candidate. However, a letter from Rowlinson was read out to the meeting in which he argued that the gathering had no connection with the FDMA and so could not commit the union to support a Labour candidate. Rowlinson continued to campaign within the FDMA against the idea of a Labour Party candidate. After a bitter dispute with Rowlinson and his supporters, the Labour Party failed to obtain the support of the FDMA Executive Committee and could not raise the finances to contest the election. In May 1912, Webb was elected again, unopposed.

In June 1912, Coleford ILP arranged a well-attended public meeting in the Drill Hall with Keir Hardie now the Labour MP for Merthyr. The meeting was chaired by Smith and music was played by a band conducted by Ben Pope. Hardie gave a rousing speech in which he said:

The present conditions would only be changed when the people were determined that a change should take place. He did not grudge the rich for their learning, their leisure, and their wealth. All he grudged them was their monopoly of these things. He wanted to win for every man and woman the same opportunities and advantages as were today practically a monopoly in the hands of the rich. This was only to be won by breaking down the artificial class barriers which now existed For their own sake and for the sake of their wives and children he asked them not to accept the inevitable. If they could not win. they could at least be rebels and die fighting for the coming of better days.9

Local Elections

Meanwhile, socialist candidates were having some success in local elections. Liddington was elected to West Dean District Council from 1910 to 1915 where he campaigned for social housing. He was also elected to the Coleford Urban District Council between 1913 and 1919 and was elected as a manager of the Coleford schools. In 1917 he was elected to represent Coleford on the Monmouth Board of Guardians and in 1918 he was elected as Secretary of the Forest of Dean Commoners Association. Annie Pope stood for election to the Council in April 1913 but failed to get elected.10 However, in 1912 Ellen Hicks was elected as a Poor Law Guardian and in 1913 she was elected to Coleford Urban District Council. In 1920 she was appointed as a magistrate.

Milkwall Charity Committee in 1914 with the chairman, Tom Liddngton, in the front row fourth from the left. Image: Sungreen
British Socialist Party

The Forest branches of the ILP were short-lived and by August 1914 all had disappeared after their failure to put forward a candidate in the parliamentary election. A small number of foresters were looking for something more radical and joined the British Socialist Party (BSP) a Marxist organisation established in 1911 and similar to the SDF. The BSP argued for a socialist and anti-capitalist programme as opposed to the more moderate Labourism of the ILP. Many were not ideologically rigid and tended to mix in both organisations and in the Forest of Dean both the ILP and BSP influential within the FDMA. By July 1914 the Forest of Dean BSP had about 30 members and held regular meetings and educational study groups mainly around Coleford.

A well-attended public meeting organised by the branch in July 1914 was presided over by Tom Liddington. The main speaker from London was Edwin Fairchild and he attacked the local Liberal MP, Harry Webb:

When the colliers of the Forest of Dean realised that Mr Harry Webb would no longer be their member in parliament – (hear, hear) – but they would have a man representing the working classes, who was prepared to stand on the floor of the House of Commons and say that until the workers of this country determined that they would be masters of the nation they must forever remain poor.12

War

The upsurge in working-class militancy, the campaign for women’s suffrage, the development of working-class self-education and a growing internationalism must have made some people from Coleford believe that the world could rid itself of injustice and poverty. However, in August 1914, any dream of a better world was shattered by war. Under the influence of pacifism and internationalism, most members of the ILP and the BSP opposed Britain’s decision to go to war. Many young men from Coleford, however, responded to the call of arms. In his book on Coleford, the renowned local historian, Cyril Hart, wrote that the First World War:

Colefordians in general, alike with most people elsewhere, endured the four years with anxiety, apprehension, and depredation… The tremendous casualty lists that resulted from the many Allied offensives to break through the enemy lines scarred the memories of a whole generation.13

Land Fit for Heroes

During the war, socialist ideas and the demand for a land fit for heroes gained traction. In 1918, Rowlinson was voted out of office over his support for the Liberal Party and the conscription of miners and replaced by Herbert Booth, a young socialist miner from Nottinghamshire. At the end of May 1918, James Wignall, an official of the dockers union from Swansea, was adopted as the Forest of Dean Labour candidate at a meeting chaired by Arthur Hicks and attended by over 70 delegates with the full support of the FDMA. In November 1918, Wignall, defeated the Liberal candidate, Sir Harry Webb and became the first Forest of Dean Labour MP.

James Wignall. Image: National Portrait Gallery

The small group of Coleford socialists were responsible for establishing a rich legacy of socialist thinking in the Forest which challenged existing ideas about labour, the role of women and internationalism. In this sense, their legacy was intellectual rather than organisational but it had a deep impact in the Forest of Dean and laid the foundations for the election of its first Labour MP.

1Howe, J. Liberals, Lib-Labs and Independent Labour in North Gloucestershire,1890-1914, Midland History, Vol. 11,

2The ILP was affiliated to the Labour Party from 1906 to 1932, when it voted to leave.

3Gloucester Citizen 19 August 1912

4The Times 01 February 1911

5The Times 10 February 1911

6Cheltenham Chronicle 12 August 1911

7Clarion 11 August 1911

8Gloucester Journal 27 April 1912

9Gloucester Journal 22 June 1912

10Gloucester Journal 12 April 1913

11Justice 26 March 1914

12Gloucester Journal 18 July 1914

13 Hart, Cyril, Coleford, Alan Sutton, 1983

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No End to Tragedy

On 4 September 1902, the Union colliery near Bixlade, which employed about 100 men, was flooded by a sudden influx of water from abandoned workings raising the water level by 30 feet and drowning four men, Thomas and Amos James, Herbert Gwatkin and William Martin. Three others Thomas Cooper, James Gwilliam and James Hawkins were trapped after they had escaped into some old workings. It was not until 9 September that pumping had reduced the water level sufficiently to allow rescuers to enter the workings and rescue them.

Later in the day, another search party found the bodies of Thomas and Amos James in an upright position and hand in hand.  They were also only 15 feet from a passage by which they could have reached the upper airway and safety but having lost their lamps they were unable to see it.  Thomas was 27 and married with one child whilst Amos was only 20 and single.  The body of 26-year-old Herbert Gwatkin was not found until the following Sunday.

https://lightmoor.co.uk/forestcoal/CoalUnion.html

https://forestofdeanhistory.org.uk/learn-about-the-forest/union-colliery-disaster-memorial/

The statue by Matt Baker which shows Thomas and Amos embracing was commissioned by the Forest Freeminers.

However, this was not the end of the tragedy. Herbert Gwatkin’s brother, Albert was working in the mine with his brother at the time. The trauma meant that he was never the same again and suffered from anxiety and depression. He suffered a nervous breakdown in 1923 and was away from work for about two months. He stopped work in May 1926 as a result of the lockout and did not return in October because he wanted to look after his mother who had become quite ill. After her death in November, he became depressed again. He could not sleep and his other brother had to spend the nights with him as he was up all night in an agitated state. He attempted to return to work on the surface at Cannop but could not cope. Albert Gwatkin committed suicide in May 1927 by cutting his own throat so severely that his head nearly became dislocated from his body.

After the Union pit tragedy, James Gwilliam moved to Cannop colliery and then later worked at Eastern colliery where, in 1937, he was severely injured and was unable to work again. James Gwilliam’s son, Essau Reuben Gwilliam, was killed in March 1925 while working at a colliery in Pencoid, South Wales when a two and two-and-a-half-ton rock fell on his head. He had a young family of eleven children.

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Minnie Allen

 

 

Minnie Allen (Credit: Gloucestershire Archives)

Minnie Allen (née Ash) was born in 1885 in Bishops Cleeve, the daughter of an agricultural labourer. She married Hubert Allen, a railway fireman, in 1908 and had two children. In March 1925, she was elected as a Labour County Councillor for St Peters, a working-class ward in Cheltenham. Consequently, she became the first woman to be elected to Gloucestershire the County Council.[1]

A condition of Hubert’s job on the railways was that he could be required to move to other districts. As a result, the family moved to Lydney at the end of 1925. Minnie soon became active in the local Labour Party and community politics and worked hard to represent the interests of the poorer sections of her community. In November 1925, she attended a meeting of the Gloucestershire Labour Women’s Advisory Council where she backed a motion to introduce funding from the County Council for feeding children, “particularly in the Forest of Dean area where distress is great owing to unemployment”.[2]

Minnie and Hubert standing at the centre of the back row (Credit: Ancestry)

On 1 May, within a few months of Minnie’s arrival in Lydney, the Trade Union Council called a national general strike in support of the miners who were locked out because they refused to accept a pay cut and an increase in hours. Tin plate workers and railway workers, including Hubert, joined the strike along with other Lydney workers in solidarity. On Thursday 6 May, at a packed meeting at Lydney Picture House, Minnie moved a resolution that assured the Trade Union Congress and the miners that they had the full support of workers in Lydney.[3]

In July 1926, Minnie was appointed as a Labour Representative on the Board of Governors of Lydney Secondary School.[4] In March 1928, she was appointed as an alderman on Gloucestershire County Council where she sat on committees dealing with health, child welfare, education and agriculture. She fought for hard better public services, often having to argue with men who had little understanding of the issues impacting women and children. In April 1928, she was elected as a joint Vice President of the Forest of Dean Labour Party.[5]

At some point before 1939, the family had to move again because Hubert’s job required him to move to Ross which was  just over the county border in Herefordshire. However, Minnie remained as an alderman with Gloucestershire County Council for 33 years. At her farewell speech in March 1958, a year before she died, Minnie remembered how she had to travel around the Forest assessing the needs of young mothers for help with milk and other support.

On one occasion I was asked if I would go out to St Briavels and interview a mother there. I went out on a baker’s cart which started early in the morning. I found the mother and then came back on the baker’s car to Lydney where I was living at the time.[6]

[1] Gloucester Journal 14 March 1925.

[2] Gloucester Citizen 9 November 1925.

[3] Dean Forest Mercury 7 May 1926.

[4] Gloucester Citizen 26 July 1926.

[5] Dean Forest Mercury 4 May 1928.

[6] Gloucester Citizen 1 April 1958.

 

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Class Struggle in the Garw Valley 1893-1922: The Role of John Williams

Introduction

In 1922, at the age of 32, John Williams was selected for the paid post of agent for the Forest of Dean Miners Association (FDMA) which was the trade union representing Forest of Dean miners. Williams remained committed to representing the Forest miners until his retirement in 1953 and lived in the Forest from 1922 until he died in 1968. However his story began in the Garw Valley where he was born brought up and worked in the mines.

This article explores  Williams’s early life in the Garw Valley from 1888 to 1922 and his role in Garw miners’ struggle to improve their pay and conditions of work. While working in the Garw valley Williams came to believe that, through this struggle, it was possible to create a better world, classless and free from exploitation. This belief and his early experiences had a profound effect on his approach to industrial relations in the Garw and the Forest of Dean.

The early life of Williams will also be used as a lens to study wider events and their consequences for the miners in the Garw valley as they moved from a parochial relationship with their employers into one mediated by class consciousness which was both national and international in character.

John Williams (also known as Jack Williams) was born in 1888 in Kenfig Hill. He started work at the International Colliery in the Garw Valley in South Wales at the age of thirteen. Williams was very much a product of his time, class and place and, just like many other miners, valued education and was committed to improving the living and working conditions of his community and class.

His early experiences led him to loathe the ruling class, the capitalist system and the exploitation that accompanied it. As a result, as a young man, he became involved in socialist and trade union organisations in the Garw valley including the Social Democratic Federation (SDF), the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and the South Wales Miners’ Federation (SWMF) which was the trade union representing coal miners in South Wales. During this period, Williams became influenced by syndicalism, which aimed to use class struggle and direct action rather than parliamentary means to abolish capitalism and replace it with a new social order based on social ownership and workers’ control of the means of production

During his early life in the Garw Valley, Williams’s involvement in trade union activity and politics was framed by local issues which included industrial disputes and organising alternatives to the local Liberal consensus. However, from 1912 national issues became increasingly important particularly the opposition to conscription during World War One and the events leading up to the 1921 lockout. Consequently, the narrative in this article reflects this.

The book, We Will Eat Grass  will be published in 2025 by Bristol Radical History Group. The book  traces the role of John Williams as the agent of the Forest of Dean Miners’ Association (FDMA) from 1922 to 1953.

 

Glossary

CLC: Central Labour College

CPGB: Communist Party of Great Britain

DWRGLU:  Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Labourers’ Union

FDMA: Forest of Dean Miners’ Association

ILP: Independent Labour Party

MFGB: Miners’ Federation of Great Britain

MP: Member of Parliament

NTWF: National Transport Workers’ Federation

NUC: National Union of Clerks

NUR: National Union of Railwaymen

SDF: Social Democratic Federation

SWMF: South Wales Miners’ Federation

TUC: Trades Union Congress

URC: United Reform Committee 

South Wales and the Garw Valley

In 1917, following increasing industrial unrest in the coalfields of Britain during World War One, the government instigated a Commission of Enquiry into industrial unrest to investigate its causes with the view to maintain supplies of coal and munitions for the war effort. A summary of the findings of the Commission for Wales, including Monmouthshire, provided by Barry Supple reads:

The Commissioners emphasised the extraordinary concentration of labour and the recent violent growth of the coal mining industry, especially in the context of grim social and working conditions in the constricted valleys. They paid particular attention to the fierceness of class antagonisms, tracing the evolution of the trade union movement from the status of a defensive club, in a moderate and liberal setting, to a vehicle for a ‘class-conscious programme’, aiming at ‘the reconstruction of the whole basis of society’, so that the miners’ lodges had become centres of purposeful educational, political, and social activities which infused much of community life. More than this, the Commissioners pointed out that the same spirit, magnified by disaffection and argument, had led the more ‘advanced’ men to deny the efficacy or validity of conventional political action, and to advocate a root and branch reform of the union, leading to industrial unionism and the aim of direct control of production.[1]

This statement gives a flavour of the political, social and economic environment that developed in the South Wales valleys in the early twentieth century when John Williams was a young man working in the coalfield. The events in the Garw valley during this period had a profound effect on Williams’s approach to industrial relations and inspired him to believe that a radical social and economic transformation of society was possible.

International Colliery

John Williams was born in 1888 at Kenfig Hill, near Bridgend, South Wales, the son of Thomas and Margaret Williams both of whom were Welsh speakers. John and his siblings spoke English and Welsh.[2] Soon after 1888, the family moved to Blaengarw in the Garw valley and his father started work as a hewer at the International Colliery.[3] In 1896, the colliery employed 1,015 workers, producing mainly steam coal and some house coal.[4]

North Garw Valley

The two settlements at the head of the Garw valley, Blaengarw and Pontcycmmer, were closely linked and in the late nineteenth century their populations rapidly grew following the development of the three main steam coal collieries; International with about 1000 workers; Ffaldau and Gawr (Ocean)  employing about 500 workers each. Other smaller collieries in the north of the valley included Glengarw (also called Nanthir), Llest and Darran. Lower down the valley there were at least seven smaller house coal collieries.[5] Men poured into the valley looking for work that was better paid than agriculture or in other mining districts such as the Forest of Dean. The census taken in 1881 gives the total number of residents of Blaengarw as 61. However, after the pits opened the population grew rapidly reaching 2462 in 1891, 3799 in 1901 and 4301 in 1911 when about seventy per cent of the male workforce were employed in the pits.[6] 

The two towns consisted of long rows of terraced cottages built along the sides of the valley to house the large influx of workers. The demand for housing meant that there was overcrowding and living conditions often led to poor health, disease and stress.  

Blaengarw

John’s brother Emlyn was born in 1893 and his sister Minnie in 1897. In 1901, John, Emlyn and Minnie were living at 2 Mount Pleasant, Blaengarw with their parents along with John’s uncle, 32-year-old William Evans and his six-year-old son Lewis Evans and three boarders.[7] This meant ten people were living in this small house and among these were five miners.

2 Mount Pleasant, Blaengarw Today (credit Ian Wright)

 Home

John probably had to share a bed with other members of the family. His mother took responsibility for all the domestic work including cooking, baking, feeding, shopping, cleaning, washing, making and mending clothes and providing a bath for these five men as they returned from work well as looking after the four children. The men rarely carried out domestic work and expected a meal on the table before and after their shift in the pit. Margaret had to manage their receipts from the weekly wage packets, making sure there was money left over for rent and bills.[8]

The day for Margaret would often start at 4 a.m. with lighting the fire, cooking breakfast, and preparing a packed lunch for the men on the early shift.  Then meals and baths had to be prepared for those returning from their shift. The three-shift system, including night-shift, meant that Margaret could be working a seventeen-hour day.

Monday was washing day but for large families, the task could take several days. Washing involved hand-cleaning dirty sheets and clothes thick with dirt, coal dust and sweat. It was back-breaking work, filling a heavy cast iron boiler with water over the fire and then carrying boiling water to the zinc bath, washboard, rinsing tub, starch bowl, mangle and clothesline in the backyard. This busy domestic schedule often had to be carried out during pregnancy or while carrying a newborn baby.

Williams must have been aware of the dreadful burden carried by his mother with its roots in the unpaid service demands of the coal industry. Later, as a young man, he spoke out against the domestic drudgery experienced by working-class women and campaigned for equal rights for women. 

School

John, Emlyn and Minnie attended the Bleangarw infants’ school where they came under the influence of Helen Gelder, a Yorkshire woman who was headteacher at the school and a strong feminist. Gelder was a close friend of Fannie Thomas who, in 1895, was appointed a headteacher teacher at the nearby Ffaldau Infants’ School in Pontycymmer.[9]

As a young boy, Williams travelled to London to see the first performance of a play by Bernard Shaw and throughout his life, he placed great emphasis on self-education both individually and collectively.  While at school Williams developed a close friendship with a pupil of the same age, Gwilym Richards who was also from a mining family, and they became lifelong friends with similar interests in music, literature and politics.

A letter from Thomas John Jones (age 12) published in the South Wales Echo in 1899. (Credit: Garw Heritage Society)

Dear Uncle Joe,

I am going to write you a description of Blaengarw. First of all, it is the shape of a triangle. It is situated at about 8 miles from Bridgend. In the centre of the town is a triangular park, with some lovely trees growing in it. There are four large chapels and one church, and two more denominations without chapels. There are two large steam coal collieries in Blaengarw. They are called the International and the Ocean. The International is managed by Mr James Picton and the Ocean by Mr D Matthews. The International raises about 1,000 tons a day. The population of Blaengarw is about 3,000 people, Blaengarw was started about 15 years ago. There is a large school here as well. The headmaster is Mr Hargest; the headmistress is Miss H. Gelder. There is a large Workmen’s Hall and Institute, all built by the workmen of Blaengarw. The library consists of 1,400 to 1,500 books of both languages, and a good number of magazines for the young men to read in their spare time. The only drawback to Blaengarw is that there is no railway station here. We have to walk all the way to Pontycymmer which is about a mile away.

 Liberal Party

The Liberal Party had dominated political life in South Wales since the mid-nineteenth century. The Liberals united middle and working-class people around nonconformism, Welsh nationalism and industrial cooperation in opposition to the established church and the English aristocracy. The Liberal Party controlled local government and held the parliamentary seat in Glamorganshire from 1857-1885 when the constituency was abolished and then held the seat in the new Mid-Glamorgan constituency from 1885-1910.

At the end of the nineteenth century, the dominant figure among the South Wales miners was William Abraham (known as Mabon) who advocated moderation, arbitration and an emphasis on parliamentary activity which sometimes stifled rather than realised the aspirations of the rank-and-file miners. No coalfield-wide union existed in South Wales at this time and miners were represented by small local associations.

Miners’ Wages

Wages in South Wales varied from district to district, pit to pit and seam to seam and depended on what task the miner was carrying out, his age, experience and skill. Some miners were paid day rates but others were paid piece rates. 

The men and boys working on the coal face were paid by the ton of coal sent to the surface. The miners often worked in pairs, sometimes brothers, friends or fathers and sons. In most pits, an agreement between the miners’ union and colliery owners included a local price list that listed the tonnage rates for coal produced and a piecework rate for other jobs such as road ripping (paid by the yard), installing and repairing timberwork and associated work such as clearing dirt, which was not directly productive. The hewers shared the earnings among themselves, although the boys were paid less.

Most other tasks in the pits were carried out by men or boys on day rates which varied depending on the job. These included those involved with the haulage of coal, maintenance of haulage roads and attending to ventilation. The craftsmen and surface workers were also paid day rates.

In the early 1890s, any increase or decrease in wage levels in the South Wales coalfield was based on a system called the sliding scale, which automatically linked miners’ wages to the price of coal. Under the sliding scale agreement, a percentage was added or deducted from the piecework rates agreed in the price list. Similarly, a percentage was added or deducted from the day rates in line with the price of coal.[10] The South Wales sliding-scale committee, which was made up of employee and employer representatives, met at regular intervals to agree on this percentage.[11]

However, this system ensured that any control of the standard of living of miners was at the mercy of the vagaries of the market and the levels of production. Consequently, the sliding scale was unpopular with the miners because it could result in sudden and drastic cuts in wages. 

John Thomas

In 1880, the Garw Miners’ Association (GMA) was formed and was made up of lodges organised around individual pits which sent delegates to GMA meetings. The GMA’s main function was to monitor and implement the sliding scale and to represent the interest of its members on matters such as wages, price lists and compensation for death or injury. The district included the lodges representing the steam coal pits in the north of the Garw valley but also the house coal collieries in the further south such as WernTarw, Meiros, Raglan, Ynysawdre and Park Slip.

John Thomas (credit Wikipedia)

In about 1887, John Thomas was elected as the GMA full-time agent whose responsibility was the day-to-day running of the association, recruitment and negotiations with the employers. One of Thomas’s most important jobs was the complex task of negotiating the details on the price lists.

Thomas was a supporter of the Liberal Party and a Baptist who regularly attended the local chapel. He stood for election in the Garw Valley ward at the 1892 Glamorgan County Council election, defeating the incumbent. While on the council, he focused his time on the sanitary and asylum committees and was also elected to the Garw School Board.

Thomas was a strong advocate of the sliding scale and a supporter of Mabon. When the Miners Federation of Great Britain (MFGB) was founded in 1889, on a policy of fighting the sliding scale, Mabon’s opposition ensured that the support for GMA affiliation to the MFGB, at this time, initially gained no more than a small foothold in the South Wales coalfield. 

1893 Hauliers’ Strike.

As new immigrants poured into the valley dissatisfaction with the Liberal consensus grew. This manifested itself industrially with opposition to the sliding scale among rank-and-file miners. Among John Williams’s earliest recollections was a ‘riot’ in 1893 when the hauliers went on strike in South Wales collieries after a demand for a pay rise, because of decreasing wages linked to the price of coal, was rejected by the colliery owners.[12]

The strike started on 3 August and quickly spread and within a week 40,000 miners across South Wales were out of work as a result of the strike.[13] On 19 August 1893, about 2,000 striking miners surrounded the International Colliery because they were suspicious that the management was using about fifty repairmen or safety men to cut coal. It was normal practice for miners’ unions to allow repairmen to maintain the pits during strikes but only on the condition that they did not cut coal. Twenty policemen and a company of the Bedford Regiment were sent to the colliery to protect the blacklegs. After several hours the police and the military managed to disperse the crowd.[14] In an interview in Cinderford with R. Page Arnot in 1961, Williams remembers his father confronting the blacklegs. Arnot records:

He (John Williams) saw the riot, and was in a sense actually in the riot together with his father. He had been with his father as one of the spectators until his father joined up and he remembered his father pushing away at the blacklegs.[15]

At the beginning of September, the hauliers returned to work defeated but it served as a warning that some miners were dissatisfied with the use of the sliding scale and would be willing to take direct action and support each other across the coalfield in pursuit of their demands.[16]

However, at this time, the leadership of most of the mining associations including Thomas remained strong supporters of Mabon and the sliding scale policy to regulate wages remained.[17] In the Garw valley, Thomas worked closely with the new Secretary of the GMA, Evan David who worked as a checkweighman at the International Colliery and the chairman John Morgan who worked as a checkweighman at the Ffaldau colliery.

The checkweighman was elected by coal miners to check the findings of the colliery owner’s weighman when hewers were paid by the weight of coal mined. Therefore, a checkweighman had to be someone whom the men trusted and he often combined this role with that of a union representative. 

1898 Strike

A major turning point was when in October 1897, the miners across South Wales gave notice to end the sliding scale agreement in six months and demanded an increase in wages. This meant that, if their demands were not met, they would go on strike.

At a conference of South Wales miners in Cardiff, a week before the expiration of the notices at the end of March 1898, the International Colliery Lodge delegate was mandated to present a motion of censure in their representatives who sat on the sliding scale committee and demanded they stand aside so others could be elected in their place. The motion also included a demand for an immediate advance of wages of twenty per cent and a rejection of a proposal from the sliding scale committee for the extension of the strike notice.[18] Although the motion did not succeed the miners from the International Colliery were among a group of men:

who decided to ignore the advice of their leaders who wanted to postpone the strike and stopped work at the expiration of their notices.[19]

The International men were joined by most miners in the South Wales valleys. The strike lasted six months but their eventual defeat made clear the need for a stronger organisation. Consequently, in September 1898 the various local associations came together to form the South Wales Miners Federation (SWMF), which was affiliated to the MFGB a few months later. After a vigorous recruitment campaign, the SWMF successfully established itself in the coalfield. One of its first tasks was to bring an end to sub-contracting where individual miners employed other men on day rates which was a common practice in other parts of British coalfield such as the Forest of Dean.[20]

Conciliation Boards

The opening years of the new century saw an increasing embitterment of industrial relations in South Wales. This was particularly the case in the steam coal pits where the colliery owners had to compete in the export market and tried to maintain their profits by attempting to cut wages. In response, the SWMF rank and file fought hard to resist these attempts to reduce their earnings, the purchasing power of which was already being eroded by a steep rise in the cost of living. In 1903, the SWMF was in a strong enough position to finally come to an agreement with the colliery owners to put an end to the use of the hated sliding scale to determine wages.

However, the miners’ position was weakened by their leaders’ support for the new conciliation system whose purpose was the regulation of wages through peaceful negotiation. The system was based on a Conciliation Board composed of SWMF officials and employers’ representatives with a supposedly independent chairman who was usually a member of the local ruling class.

After the abandonment of the sliding scale, the Conciliation Board met at regular intervals to agree on a percentage addition or subtraction on the contract rates and day rates depending on a variety of factors which still included the price of coal. Under the terms of the new agreement, this percentage would not drop below thirty per cent or go above sixty per cent and so avoid the potentially drastic drop in earnings that could happen under the sliding scale agreement.

This system enabled Mabon and agents like Thomas to continue to preserve a relationship with the colliery owners which avoided conflict while ordinary miners found their militancy smothered by the SWMF’s participation in the conciliation machinery. Consequently, the SWMF leadership faced mounting opposition from the rank and file demanding a more aggressive response to the owners’ attacks on their wages and working conditions.

In February 1899, this opposition found expression in the north of the Garw valley when the Ffaldau lodge demanded that a regular ballot should be held for the position of the GMA agent. This was already the case for other GMA officers such as the secretary and chair and for the agents in most other districts.[21]

Disaster

Tensions were exacerbated when on 18 August 1899, an explosion occurred at the Pontyrhyl house coal colliery in the south of the valley, owned by the Lluest Coal Company, killing 19 men and boys. An inquest was held on 28 August 28th 1899 when all interested parties were represented and lasted for three days when the jury returned the following verdict: 

The jury are of the opinion that the 19 persons who met their death at the Llest pit on Friday, August 18th, 1899, were suffocated as a result of an explosion of gas. They are further of the opinion that gas had accumulated in the stall of Abednego Williams owing to some derangement of the ventilating current during the men’s temporary absence, and that it was ignited by the introduction of a naked light. The jury regrets that safety lamps were not in use at this colliery previous to the explosion, and considers that the management, unfortunately, committed an error of judgment in not introducing them.

However, no charges were brought against the managers or the owners. In 1901, at the age of 13, Williams started work at the International Colliery, where he worked with his father. He was paid one shilling and sixpence a day.  One year later he was also severely injured in an explosion. In this case, his father had bored a hole with a rammer and inserted explosives. However, after the first shot, the fuse misfired. The regulations stated that it was necessary to wait 24 hours before making a second attempt. However, the hewers, working on piece rates, were under pressure to ignore this rule. As a result, Williams approached the face and was severely burned in an explosion. He was lucky to survive but had to spend six weeks in a bath of linseed oil.[22] There are no records of Williams receiving any compensation but, in these circumstances, he would have been entitled to a claim with the support of the GMA.

Williams would witness many serious accidents causing both permanent injury and death over the next twenty years while he worked at the Garw valley. Between 1887 and 1914, fifty-seven men were killed while working at the International Colliery.[23] 

Socialism and Feminism

The use of troops against his father, the six-month lockout and his accident were likely to have influenced Williams’s growing interest in socialist and trade union politics and desire to fight injustice and poverty.

Fannie Thomas  (Credit: www.womenandwar.wales)

Among his earliest mentors were the teachers, Gelder and Thomas, who were active trade unionists, political activists and feminists. They were central to the development of the National Federation of Women Teachers (NFWT) which acted as a pressure group within the National Union of Teachers (NUT) and campaigned around issues such as equal pay and the marginalisation of women within the profession and the labour movement. Both went on to be President of the NFWT, Gelder in 1909-1910 and Thomas in 1912-1913.

Gelder and Thomas contributed to the radical culture in the Garw valley which combined working-class politics with feminism.  At the same time, Williams became acquainted with other older and more experienced labour activists in the Garw valley such as Meth Jones who worked at the International Colliery and was President of the GMA lodge at the pit.[24]

Jones was born in 1876 and spent his early life in Tyncefn, Cardiganshire, where his father was employed as a lead miner. His father emigrated to the South Wales coalfield when the Cardiganshire lead mines suffered from depression during the 1870s and 1880s. The family settled at Pontycymmer and Jones began work in the coal mines aged 12. He was a Welsh speaker, proud of his Welsh roots, and he provided a link between nineteenth-century Welsh radicalism and the developing labour movement in the Garw valley where many people, including the Williams family, spoke Welsh.[25]

The political optimism that emerged in the early twentieth century in the Garw valley arose out of diverse traditions and promoted social justice, personal transformation, christian socialism, democratic principles, feminism, trade unionism and new economic theories opposed to capitalism and its brutal consequences. At this time men and women joined forces and campaigned for working-class representation, socialist politics and women’s suffrage.

Over the following years,  a series of well known national figures came to speak in the Garw valley such as  Keir Hardie, George Lansbury and Ethel Snowdon from the labour movement and feminists such as the Pankhursts, the educationalist Elizabeth Phillips Hughes and  the socialist writer Isabella Ford. Consequently, during this period two political parties gained a foothold in the Garw Valley, the Social Democratic Foundation (SDF) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP).

Lib-Labs MPs

The Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884 made it possible to contemplate the building of a broad-based party to represent working-class interests independent from the Liberal Party. However, the franchise was restricted by a complex system of registration, residence criteria and the exclusion of paupers. As a result, only about two-thirds of the adult male population was qualified to vote and all women were excluded. This limited the possibility of genuine working-class representation in Parliament.

As a result, up to about 1908, most mining constituencies had no independent political Labour organisation outside their trade union structures. In national parliamentary elections, the miners’ district associations usually supported candidates nominated by the local Liberal Associations. If elected, these MPs accepted the Liberal whip while exercising the right to utilise their experience to speak freely on labour issues. These first working-class representatives within Parliament were known as ‘Lib-Lab’ MPs. The first recognised Lib-Labs were the two mining officials, who were elected in 1874 for Morpeth in Northumberland and Stafford.[26] 

Social Democratic Foundation

In 1881 Henry Hyndman formed the Democratic Foundation which in 1883 adopted a Marxist programme and in 1884 changed its name to the SDF which was Britain’s first socialist organisation. The SDF had a political philosophy based on economic determinism and an orthodox form of Marxism which predicted the inevitable collapse of capitalism.[27]

The SDF opposed the Liberal Party’s claim to represent the labour movement in Parliament and argued that workers should elect working-class MPs to represent their interests independently of the Liberal Party. The SDF was specifically a socialist organisation and remained largely propagandist and doctrinaire in its approach to politics. The programme of the SDF included the peaceful transition to socialism through parliament. Its demands included a 48-hour workweek, the abolition of child labour, compulsory and free and secular education, equality for women, and the nationalisation of the means of production, distribution, and exchange by a democratic state.

Independent Labour Party

In contrast, the ILP was a much larger and more broad-based party also seeking working-class representation in Parliament independently from the Liberal Party but with no coherent ideology. The ILP was established in 1893 to create a working-class organisation politically independent of the Liberal Party.[28] Keir Hardie, an ex-miner, a socialist, an internationalist, a Christian and a pacifist was one of the main leaders of the ILP.

The ILP members came from ideologically diverse traditions. For some, it was a humanitarian necessity or a sort of secular religion combined with ethical socialism or a means for the practical implementation of Christian principles in daily life. For others, it was about protesting against social injustice or a peaceful evolution towards social cooperation.

Consequently, the ILP attracted members from a wide range of backgrounds and owed its success to its apparent contradictions appealing to realists, idealists, dogmatists, pragmatists, christians and secularists. The ILP also offered a political home for socialists, trade unionists, members of the women’s franchise movement and peace activists. These apparent contradictions manifested themselves in different ways in different geographical and industrial locations. However, as it developed, its primary strategy for achieving a better world was working-class representation in parliament to implement social and political reform.

In 1897 an attempt was made to elect a working-class candidate to Ogmore and Garw District Council to represent the Garw ward. The initiative came from a group of miners from the steam coal pits in the north of the valley. These included one of the checkweighmen at the Ffladau colliery, William Davies, and one of the checkweighmen at the International Colliery, Evan David. The candidate chosen was another checkweighman at the Ffladau colliery, John Morgan who was also president of the GMA and described by the Glamorgan Gazette as “the only recognised Labour candidate for the Garw ward”.[29] In the end, Morgan was beaten into third place by two other candidates both of whom were colliery managers.[30]

At the turn of the century, the direction of the ILP shifted further towards establishing a parliamentary Labour party. In 1900, it was instrumental in founding the Labour Representation Committee (LRC) jointly with the SDF, the Fabian Society and some trade unions (but not the MFGB or the SWMF who remained loyal to the Liberals).[31] The LRC’s main function was to support ‘Labour’ MPs in parliament and recommend candidates to stand in elections. The SDF resigned from the LRC in 1901 after failing to persuade it to adopt a specifically socialist programme as opposed to one representing the broad interests of labour through political representation.

Dignity of Labour

In the Garw valley, workplace organisation had pre-dated political mobilisation. However, after the bitter struggles surrounding the 1893 and 1898 strikes, it was understandable that some miners sought an alternative to trade unionism in the form of political organisation and representation. 

With many colliery owners actively involved in Liberal politics, miners also started looking for a political alternative to the Liberal Party and criticising their Lib-Lab leaders as collaborators in their exploitation. In response, there emerged a widespread demand for recognition of the dignity of labour and direct working-class political representation in parliament and as a result, the ILP was able to gain a foothold in the South Wales valleys.[32] The aftermath of the 1898 strike led to the formation of over thirty ILP branches in the Glamorgan valleys and one of the ILP’s first achievements in South Wales was the election of Keir Hardie as MP for Merthyr in 1900.[33]

In September 1904, the ILP organised what the Labour Leader, the newspaper of the ILP, described as the first socialist meeting to be held in Pontcymmer.[34]  The main speaker was Edward Hartley from Bradford who was a member of the SDF but worked closely with the ILP.[35] Hartley was elected as President of the SDF in 1906 but was less rigid in his ideology than Hyndman and worked closely with the ILP. He epitomised the ideological fluidity that existed at the time as socialist ideas were debated within working-class communities.

This was followed by a meeting in October with Bruce Glasier from Scotland who was one of the main leaders of the ILP.[36] Both meetings were small but characterised as a success by the Labour Leader. However, there was opposition and, in October 1904, at a meeting of the GMA, Thomas made it clear he was opposed to any attempt to establish an independent labour group in the House of Commons.[37]

However, the politics in the valley were radically changed when, in the Autumn of 1904, a dispute erupted at the small Darren colliery in Blaengarw resulting in an eleven-month lockout of the whole workforce of nearly 200 men, women and boys. This was followed by a seven-month lockout of about 150 miners at the International Colliery in May 1905 where Williams worked. The lockouts resulted from a dispute over the earnings paid to miners employed on Caedafid seam which was worked similarly at both collieries. The Caedafid Seam was seven feet thick but also contained thin sections of dirt which caused problems for the hewers and meant sometimes drams of coal sent to the surface contained some dirt mixed with slack (small coal). The lockouts contributed to the growth of socialist politics in Blaengarw and Pontycymmer. 

The Darren Colliery Lockout

In September 1904, there was tension at the Darren colliery after William Brookes, a collier working at the mine died because of a roof fall.[38] At the end of November, the miners heard rumours that the colliery was about to close. Consequently, on Monday 29 November, they held a meeting and decided to stop work because they were concerned that they were not going to get paid.[39] At this point, the owners decided to lock the miners out and refused to pay them the money they were owed up to their last day of work on Monday.

The miners had not given notice of strike action as required under the terms of the agreement the owners had with the GMA. Consequently, Thomas did not approve of their action of stopping work without giving notice and told them they would not receive any strike pay. However, appeals went out for donations which soon arrived from across the South Wales coalfield including £20 from the Tredegar miners, £25 from Rhondda and £10 from Merthyr.[40] However, in January, the SWMF Executive agreed to support the men and paid a locked-out rate of ninety shillings a month and a shilling a week per child and told Thomas to try to negotiate a return to work in consultation with the Darren miners.

In January 1905, the ownership of the Darren colliery changed hands but with similar directors and managers. Thomas met with one of the managers of the new company who told him they would only allow the miners back to work if they accepted the introduction of a system called Billy Fair Play which uses a screen to separate the slack and dross from the lump coal. In this system, the coal sent up by the miner was weighed and the gross weight was noted. The coal was then emptied over an inclined screen and the dross and small coal passed through the meshes of the screen, which were 2 inches in diameter, and fell onto a self-righting plate and weighed. This portion was known as Billy, and the rate paid to the miner for this could be as low as 2d per ton or less. The miners received the standard contract rate for the portion which passed over the screen.[41]

This was in contravention to a principle that had governed the mining in South Wales since ‘time immemorial’ because in the past the men were renumerated for the small coal and the slack at the same rate as the lump coal. The manager offered an alternative proposal of reducing the cutting price (the standard contract rate paid to the hewers per ton of coal) from 1s 6d a ton (which was an arrangement that had been in force since the 1890s) to 1s 1d a ton. This meant a reduction in their wages of 33 per cent.[42]

Thomas met with the miners who informed him that this was unacceptable. The miners then agreed to refuse to have any further negotiations with the owners unless they were paid the wages due to them.[43] In March the Darren owners issued a statement to Thomas that unless a compromise was reached with the workmen, they would close the colliery.[44]

Garw ILP

The miners remained locked out and this provided an opportunity for the ILP to present its politics to an audience that was seeking political solutions to their poor social and economic conditions. Consequently, at the end of February 1905, a large ILP meeting was held in Pontcymmer with Keir Hardy and Robert Smillie as the main speakers. Smillie helped to found the ILP in 1893 and was elected President of the Scottish Miners’ Federation in 1894, a post he held until 1918. The meeting passed a resolution declaring:

In favour of Labour representation in parliament, distinct and apart from the capitalist parties whether Liberal or Tory.[45]

This was followed by the establishment of a Garw ILP branch in March 1905 with about 30 members. Meth Jones was elected as secretary and William Davies, a checkweighman from Ffladau colliery, as chairman.[46] In April 1905, the four Labour candidates who ran in three wards in the district council elections were returned with two in Pontycymmer (total of 5 seats), one in Blaengarw (total of 3 seats) and one in Pontyrhyl (total of 3 seats).[47] This included William Davies in Pontycymmer and Evan David in Blaengarw.[48] The ILP had now gained a foothold in the Garw Valley and in August 1905 organised two open-air public meetings in Blaengarw and Pontycymmer with speakers and singing.[49]

Although some chapels expelled members for joining the ILP some Christian leaders gave up their traditional allegiance to Liberalism and equated the values of socialism with their Christian faith. This was the case for Reverend E T Evans, the curate in charge of Blaengarw. In November 1905, the Garw Valley branch of the ILP held a successful meeting at the Pontycymmer Institute on the subject of: Should Christians Join the ILP?  The main speaker was Reverand D. J. Rees, a unitarian minister from Bridgend. This was followed two days later by a lecture given by Gavan Duffy on Slums and Palaces at the Blaengarw Institute. The meeting attracted an audience of 600 people and was chaired by the Reverend E. T. Evans[50]

Secularism

In 1905, Williams was 17 years old was looking for something more radical than the ILP and so he joined the SDF.[51] It was possible that Williams first encountered the SDF when Edward Hartley spoke at the socialist meeting in Pontycymmer in September 1904 mentioned above.

In 1905 the SDF was already being eclipsed by the ILP in the South Wales valleys but there was a resurgence in SDF membership at this time as some young miners were attracted by its strong socialist and even revolutionary message.

At this time, the Garw valley had about 20 members in the SDF out of a population of 15,000 people.[52] One of the most successful activities of the SDF was organising socialist Sunday schools which often were criticised by preachers in the local chapels. In his retirement speech in 1953, Williams said:

We were denounced from the pulpits as atheists and free lovers, and they called us a lot of other things too. The colliery managers were often the deacons at the respective chapels very few of us escaped persecution of one sort or another.[53]

Mark Bevir has argued that the influence of secularism within the SDF has been underestimated by historians.[54] 1n 1905 a religious revival swept through South Wales and the SDF may have provided an attractive alternative.[55] Williams remained ardently opposed to organised religion and campaigned against the influence of the church throughout his life.

However, nationally, the SDF never had more than a few thousand members.  Hyndman was an authoritarian who dominated the organisation. He regarded strikes as at best a limited means of improving wages and conditions under capitalism and at worst a diversion from politics which diluted his socialist message. The history of the leadership of the SDF is a story of factionalism and ideological conflict and many of its leading members, from both the right and the left of the organisation resigned.[56]

However, there was more ideological fluidity, more pragmatism and less sectarianism among the rank-and-file SDF activists in South Wales where the SDF was successful in recruiting miners who had little in common with Hyndman and some of the SDF leadership.[57] Some of these men would later have a significant impact on the development of the SWMF. These included William Mainwaring who helped set up the Marxian Club in Blaenclydach in 1907 and Noah Rees who had a long history of union activism starting as a lodge Secretary in Ogmore Vale. These men would become key figures in the strikes which convulsed the Rhondda in 1910. The SDF was instrumental in developing a rich legacy of socialist thinking in the valleys which challenged existing ideas about labour, the role of women and internationalism. In this sense, the SDF’s greatest legacy was intellectual rather than organisational.[58]

International Colliery Lockout

In the Spring of 1905, the coal trade went into depression and the owners were keen to reduce costs further by reducing wages. As a result, in May, they came to an agreement with SWMF and Thomas for a reduction in the percentage addition on the cutting prices and day rates at all the collieries in the Garw valley.[59]

At the same time, the owners of the International Colliery came up with a proposal to reduce wages further by the introduction of Billy Fair Play for the Caedafid seam which would effectively reduce the cutting price significantly below that agreed upon in the 1890s. The owners had complained to Thomas that the men were sending up too much ‘dirty coal’ and issued notices to terminate their contracts unless they accepted Billy Fair Play. Consequently, on 1 May the 150 miners at the International Colliery who worked the Caedafid seam joined the Darren men on the lockout.[60]

The matter was referred to the SWMF Executive on 20 May who agreed to award the men lockout pay and instructed Thomas to negotiate with the owners to settle the dispute over the price list and Billy Fair Play.[61]

Pontycymmer Male Choir. 

Despite the lockout pay, the families of the locked-out miners were becoming destitute so fundraising was important.  Choral singing had a long and creditable tradition in the Garw Valley dating back to 1886 with the formation of the Pontycymmer Male Choir.  The choir was one of the best in the valleys and some of the locked-out miners were members. During the 1898 strike, the Pontycmmer Male Choir toured the northern towns of England, Scotland and London under the auspices of the ILP to raise funds for the striking miners’ families.[62]

As a result, the choir decided to tour the country again and from June to September 1905 they visited most of the major cities in Scotland and the North of England. The ILP was particularly strong in the North of England in Newcastle, Manchester and Huddersfield and their members took the cause to heart providing board and lodgings and organising concerts in halls and outside in the street.[63] 

Rift btween Thomas and the ILP

During the lockouts, a permanent rift developed between some of the miners in the north of Garw valley and Thomas over his opposition to the ILP.  In the Spring of 1905, delegates from the International Colliery and some other lodges argued for a ballot on their proposal for an independent parliamentary Labour candidate. Thomas resisted, but in June 1905 a delegate meeting of the GMA referred the question of a Labour candidate back to the lodges for discussion.[64] Consequently, in August 1905, the GMA lodge delegates voted for a ballot on the matter. However, Thomas resisted and complained that there would be a lot of men who were not owners of property taking part in the ballot and, as they had no right to vote in parliamentary elections, he argued these men should not have a say over who was to be a parliamentary candidate.[65]

The result of the ballot was 1266 for an ILP candidate and 649 against. The International lodge voted 185 for an ILP candidate and 150 against. Two lodges did not ballot as the secretaries said they had already agreed to be in favour of an ILP candidate.[66] This was the first victory in a long campaign to elect a Labour MP for the mid-Glamorgan constituency. 

Resolution of the Disputes

Throughout the summer, while the Pontycymmer choir toured the country, the Darren and International managements remained intransigent. However, after some intense negotiations in October, the Darren miners accepted a proposal from their owners which amounted to a reduction of the cutting price of 2.5d a ton and an agreement that there would be no Billy Fair Play.[67] The Darren miners went back to work in October after one of the longest struggles in the South Wales coalfield. However, they expressed disappointment that Thomas and the SWMF Executive insisted that there was no chance of them winning a legal case through the courts to claim their lost wages from the start of the lockout.

Meanwhile, the International colliery workers remained locked out, but the owners refused to accept an offer from Thomas for a settlement based on the agreement at the Darren colliery.[68]  At a meeting of the GMA in November the International delegate said:

They were determined not to accept Billy Fair Play and the struggle was one of principle. If they accepted the Billy, it would be the thin end of the wedge and the use of the Billy would be extended to all the collieries in South Wales and Monmouthshire coalfield.[69]

At the beginning of January 1906, after seven months on strike, the dispute was finally settled when it was agreed that the hewers would only load large lump coal as far as possible and be paid 1s 6d a ton which was the rate paid at the beginning of the dispute.[70]

The lockouts laid the seeds for further conflict within the GMA over industrial relations and socialist politics. The locked-out miners had received a tremendous amount of support from ILP groups throughout the country and as a result, some miners were keen to support the policies of the ILP in the Garw valley and mid-Glamorganshire.

In 1905 and 1906 the relationship between Thomas and the miners from the steam coal pits deteriorated further after the Ffaldau lodge officials complained that Thomas was not adequately representing their interests.[71] Consequently, the lodge withdrew from the GMA and this decision was confirmed by a ballot Ffaldau miners held in August 1906.[72] The lodge remained outside the organisation until they were persuaded to return by Mabon and Brace at a public meeting in March 1907.[73]

Over the next few years, a whole series of disputes erupted across the South Wales coalfield. Many of these were about the cutting price of coal and often led to groups of workers walking off the coal face in unofficial actions without the backing of the local association agents or the SWMF. In August 1908, the Darren colliery was on strike again.

1906 General Elections in Mid-Glamorgan

In 1906, it appears that Williams left the SDF and joined the ILP because, in August 1906, there is a record of him chairing a meeting of the ILP in Pontycymmer.[74] The ILP had more resources and a larger membership and would go on to have a much greater impact on labour politics and the development of social democracy than the SDF. The ILP became the main political organisation that attracted members of the labour movement in the South Wales valleys who were seeking an alternative to Liberalism. Daryll Leeworthy argues that this was not accidental:

It was a product of a great deal of hard work, intense campaigning and newspaper publishing but it was supported by a ‘culture’ that harnessed traditional working-class outlets such as sport, music and religion to encourage independence of thought and action.[75]

However, in 1906, the SWMF leadership’s industrial moderation still found its political expression in continued adherence to Liberalism. Since the LRC did not yet have the full support of the SWMF Executive, it was not able to field a candidate in the January 1906 parliamentary election for mid-Glamorgan. Subsequently, the sitting Liberal MP, Samuel Evans was elected without an opponent.[76]

However, Evans did not have an easy ride and Liberal Party meetings often descended into chaos as Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) supporters attacked Evans for his anti-suffragist views. [77] The WSPU leader Emmeline Pankhurst spoke at Pontycymer and consequently Fanny Thomas and Gelder became actively involved in the WSPU as it started to make a significant impact in the Garw valley.

The four SWMF MPs who took their seats after the 1906 general election, included Mabon, William Brace and Tom Richards, who were respectively the President, vice-president and secretary of the SWMF. They all remained part of the trade union group in the Liberal Party.[78] The fourth MP, Keir Hardie was the exception. 

The January 1906 national general election resulted in a landslide victory for the Liberal Party. However, 30 MPs endorsed by the LRC were elected. On 15 February 1906, at their first meeting after the election, the 30 MPs decided to adopt the name ‘The Labour Party’.

In March 1906, the annual conference of the SWMF saw Mabon and Brace subjected to unprecedented criticism for their adherence to Liberalism. The pressure was now building from within in the SWMF and outside to abandon the Liberal Party.

The ILP supported universal suffrage and when Emeline Pankhurst spoke at Pontycymmer on 21 September, she criticised the SWMF Executive for not supporting a Labour candidate.[79] Pankhurst became close friends with Fanny Thomas and stayed with her at her house.

On 24 September 1906, a meeting of delegates of all the miners’ lodges in the mid-Glamorgan constituency voted by a large majority in favour of selecting a Labour candidate in the next election with 9846 in favour, 2267 against and 1450 neutral.[80]

As a result of this pressure, in October 1906, SWMF voted in favour of affiliation to the Labour Party by 41,843 votes to 31,527.[81] However, it would be four years before the Labour Party in mid-Glamorgan was able to field a candidate and Evans was elected unopposed in bye-elections in October 1906 and 1908 and defeated a Conservative candidate in January 1910.

Vernon Hartshorne

The ILP’s policy of independent political action attracted to its ranks some younger SWMF militants such as Vernon Hartshorne who argued that miners needed to organise politically as well as industrially. Hartshorne was one of the pioneers of the ILP in Wales and, in 1905, he was appointed agent for the SWMF in the nearby Maesteg district. The campaign to break the SWMF from liberalism was led by Hartshorne and other members of the ILP such as James Winstone, the agent for the Eastern Valleys District of the SWMF, who had become influential in the coalfield since the 1898 strike.

Vernon Hartshorne (Credit: National Portrait Gallery London)

In 1908 the Labour Leader claimed that there were 95 branches of the ILP in South Wales, although some of them were short-lived.[82] In the following year, the ILP, with the support of Robert Smillie, who was now Vice President of the MFGB, was successful in its campaign to persuade the MFGB to affiliate to the Labour Party.[83] In 1909, Meth Jones was elected as Miners’ Registration Agent for the West Glamorgan and East Carmarthen District and campaigned on behalf of the Labour Party.[84]

The political and industrial establishment in the Garw valley felt very threatened by these developments. The Labour Leader complained that there was intimidation and victimisation by colliery managers, some of whom were Liberal councillors, taking place in the Garw valley against some ILP members. As a result, some men lost their jobs which resulted in a drop in membership due to a fear of victimisation.[85] After attending an open-air meeting arranged by Pontycymmer ILP on 7 March 1909, Robert Williams, the main speaker, was arrested and fined 30s.[86]

In October 1908, several of the steam coal lodges presented a motion at a GMA meeting requesting a ballot on the continued employment of Thomas as their agent. As a result,  Thomas threatened to resign rather than subject himself to the “indignity of a ballot”.[87] However, he managed to garner support from some of the other lodges, mainly in the south of the Garw district and survived without a ballot. In 1909 another attempt was made by the lodges in the north for a ballot but their motions were ruled out of order and Thomas remained in office. 

In March 1910, at a meeting in Pontycymmer, John Williams seconded a motion in support of the Hartshorne to stand against the new Liberal candidate, Frederick Gibbons, in the forthcoming by-election for mid-Glamorgan in April.[88] In his address, John Williams made an argument using socialist ethics typical of the ILP at the time. The Glamorgan Gazette reported that:

He appealed to the Federationists on behalf of the destitute in the country and on behalf of the little children who are crying for food to send another Member to strengthen the hands of the Labour Party in the House of Commons.[89]

The campaign for a Labour candidate was acrimonious because it signalled a rupture between those in the SWMF who supported Hartshorne and the supporters of William Brace, a Liberal and the SWMF Vice-President, who opposed the intervention of a Labour candidate. However, Mabon and Richards and most other Lib-Lab MPs from the MFGB now joined the Labour Party.

Members of the WSPU such as Fanny Thomas, who was now a member of the ILP, also intervened in the election on the side of Hartshorne.[90] In the end, Hartshorne was narrowly defeated by Gibbons who claimed in his campaign that “Liberalism was the soul of Labour, and Labour was the sinew of Liberalism”.[91]

However, a general election in December 1910 provided another opportunity for Labour to challenge the Liberal consensus. In December meetings were held throughout the Garw valley in support of Hartshorne. On Saturday 3 December, at a meeting in Blaengarw, Hartshorne argued that working men including liberals and socialists should unite in their emancipation by supporting Labour candidates. He said he was not standing as a socialist but as a nominee of the Labour Party and was wary of accusations from some non-conformist ministers that he was advocating atheism, revolution and free love.[92]

Based on this reassurance, the Garw miners’ agent John Thomas changed his tune and urged all trade unionists to unite in support of Hartshorne.[93] On 5 December, in Pontycymmer, a meeting in support of Hartshorne was chaired by Williams who advocated returning working-class men to the House of Commons.[94]  In the end, Hartshorne was narrowly defeated by the Liberal candidate Hugh Edwards.

In nearby East Glamorgan, a rupture had also occurred between Labour and the Liberals. In this case, the Labour candidate and ILP member, Charles Stanton, a militant socialist from Aberdare, was defeated by the Liberal candidate who comfortably won the seat.

From 1906 to 1918, the Labour Party continued to operate as a conglomerate of affiliated bodies, including the ILP, which provided the activist base, the Fabian Society and most trade unions. It was not until 1918 that the Labour Party introduced individual membership. Over this period, the labour movement gradually progressed towards more effective political independence.

Growing Impatience

More significant than these events, however, was the growing impatience among miners with the political system as a whole. It was becoming apparent to men people like Williams and others in the Garw valley that working-class representation in parliament alone would not achieve better working and living conditions for his community.

On 1 June a mass meeting was held on the mountainside near Pontycmmer in an attempt to induce non-unionists to join the SWMF. John Thomas pointed out that non-unionists had received the benefits of the Compensation Acts, the Eight Hours Act and the Coal Mines Regulation Act on the backs of those who had paid into their union. A resolution calling on all non-unionists to join the SWMF proposed by Councillor Evan David and seconded by Gwilym Richards was passed unanimously.[95]

On 1 September 1910 about 3,500 miners at the International Colliery, Garw (Ocean), Ffaldau and Glengarw Collieries in the north of the Garw valley gave four weeks’ notice to strike unless non-unionists joined the SWMF. The Glamorgan Gazette reported:

Mr. Evan David secretary of the Garw district, in supporting the resolution, said that much of the unrest in the coalfield was due to non-unionism. The resolution was carried unanimously.[96]

By the end of September, most of the non-unionists in the Garw valley had joined up and a strike was averted.[97] However, miners walked out on Monday 3 October at the Ocean collieries in the Garw and Rhondda where the hauliers were still in dispute over bonus payments There was trouble at the small Nanthir pit in Blaengarw which employed 250 men. [98]

By now, the rest of the South Wales coalfield was in a state of ferment with about 21,000 men on strike over a variety of issues. This included 800 men who walked out on strike on Monday 3 October at the Cambrian Combine’s Ely pit in the Rhondda in a dispute over the price list. The dispute immediately spread to some of the other pits in the Rhondda owned by the Cambrian Combine involving 2,500 men. Soon all the Cambrian’s dozen or so pits in the Rhondda were shut down with 12,000 men on strike leading to violent confrontations between the miners and the police and military in the Rhondda valley and rioting in Tonypandy.

Dundee Evening Telegraph 3 October 1910

Tonypandy

The 1910-1914 period saw the greatest explosion of industrial discontent that Britain had ever experienced. In 1910, strikes and violent confrontations between the community and the police and the army spread through the mining areas of the South Wales valleys. This militancy was particularly acute in coalfields owned by the Cambrian Combine around Tonypandy in the Rhondda and the coalfields around Aberdare. As a result, older union leaders were swept aside as younger and more militant leaders took their place and organised strikes and direct action in support of their demands.

The dispute at the Eli Pit near Tonypandy was a consequence of payment for work in what was known as abnormal places. The issue was that the hewer, who was working on the face on piece rates linked to the tonnage of coal produced, still needed to be paid when little or no coal was being sent to the surface because of working in difficult situations. The dispute started over a price list for a new seam. The Cambrian Collieries Ltd. offered a cutting rate of 1s 9d a ton while the colliers wanted 2s 6d a ton because the seam was particularly difficult with many potentially abnormal places.

The dispute initially affected only a few dozen hewers but resulted in a lockout of over 800 men from this one pit in early October 1910. However, more miners came out in solidarity and by October all of the Cambrian’s dozen or so pits in the Rhondda were shut down with 12,000 men on strike.

In a ballot of the whole South Wales coalfield, the majority of the miners including those in the Garw valley voted to support the Cambrian men by a levy rather than voting for a strike of the whole South Wales coalfield.[99] However, the unrest soon spread to the other parts of the coalfield when 20,000 men from the Cynon valley, Maesteg and Monmouthshire walked out on strike. In Aberdare in the Cynon valley, Charles Stanton, the miners’ agent for Aberdare, led the miners into a confrontation with the authorities which saw some of the most violent incidents of the period.[100] Stanton attacked local labour leaders including the local Labour MP Keir Hardie and the President of the SWMF, Mabon:

the faint-hearted, over-cautious, creeping, crawling, cowardly set who pose as leaders but do not lead (and) are responsible for the rotten condition of things today.[101]

In November, a series of ferocious clashes took place between the police and pickets resulting in about one hundred injuries to local miners with one being battered to death.[102] As more police poured into the Rhondda, rioting broke out in Tonypandy. Over the winter, the Pontypridd and the Rhondda valleys came under military occupation with four separate regiments to try and keep order. The dispute continued until June 1911 when the MFGB rejected the call for a national strike in solidarity with the Welsh miners. A return to work was completed in October 1911 on the terms offered twelve months previously.

However, the strikes and the response from the coal owners and the state had a massive impact on the whole of the South Wales Coalfield. In his October 1961 interview, Williams said he remembered Tonypandy very well. In 1961 he reported that he had worked at various other pits in the Garw area including the Garw colliery owned by Ocean Coal Company Ltd which also owned pits in the Rhondda, so he took great interest in the events surrounding the conflict.[103] In the Garw valley, miners continued to campaign for a minimum wage so they would not have to end the shift with little or no payment for the work they had done as a result of working in abnormal places.[104]

In the 1911 census, the Williams family were still living at Mount Pleasant but his father had died and there was one lodger. Both John and Emlyn are listed as coal miners and they were now the breadwinners for the family so the issue of a minimum wage was important.[105] When, in September 1911, Hartshorne addressed a mass meeting of the Garw Lodges of the SWMF in Pontycymmer, Williams put a resolution to the meeting on the question of non-unionism and the fight for a minimum wage:

This meeting calls upon all the non-Unionists to immediately join the Federation. The Joint Committee has unanimously decided that every lodge must be clear at the end of the month, so that our miners’ leaders’ hands when fighting for a minimum wage, shall be strengthened by united ranks.[106]

The resolution was passed unanimously with the support of Hartshorne.  The focus of the mining community remained on industrial struggles, particularly over the matter of a minimum wage.

One of the consequences of the strike was that some ILP members such as Stanton resigned from the party because they felt that their leaders had forced a compromise over matters to do with class struggle and socialism. Subsequently, in January 1912, some ILP members joined with members of the SDF to form the British Socialist Party (BSP) a Marxist party with similar policies as the SDF.[107]

Noah Ablett

However, when Marxist ideas spread into the Welsh coalfield it was not a political party that was primarily responsible but an education movement based on the Plebs League and Central Labour College (CLC). In 1907, a young miner from the Rhondda, Noah Ablett, started a two-year course at Ruskin College, Oxford sponsored by the SWMF. Ruskin specialised in providing educational opportunities for adults with few or no qualifications but insisted on a formal and orthodox curriculum.

In 1908, Ablett was at the core of a group of students at Ruskin who were instrumental in the formation of the Plebs League, which challenged the lecturers’ opposition to Marxism and, as a result, organised their own independent classes. The Plebs’ League aimed to provide independent working-class education based on the idea that working people should produce their own thinkers and organisers. Ablett returned to South Wales at the end of 1908, where he began organising education classes with the Plebs’ League.[108]

Encouraged by Ablett, the students continued to oppose Ruskin College’s teaching methods and campaigned for a curriculum based on their life experiences, including working-class history and philosophy. In 1909, the students went on strike, refusing to attend classes after the Principal, Dennis Hird, was dismissed for supporting their campaign. As a result, Hird and the students set up the CLC, with the aim of providing independent working-class education outside of the control of the University of Oxford.[109]  Williams was strongly influenced by this development and held Ablett in great esteem, describing him thus:

Outstanding was Noah Ablett. The simplicity and wisdom of his arguments were very attractive. He was rather like Nye Bevan, without Bevan’s speed, but a deeper thinker. He had wisdom as well as swiftness. Ablett was one of the most sincere men I have ever met.[110]

Throughout his career, Williams involved himself in a range of educational institutions, organised classes and placed great emphasis on working-class education.

Syndicalism

In 1911, Noah Ablett became a checkweighman at Maerdy Colliery and was elected to the SWMF Executive Committee. He made a considerable impact as part of a new generation of leaders committed to greater militancy. He was hostile to the way that the majority of the SWMF Executive Committee was conciliatory to the coal owners during the Cambrian dispute.[111] One of the results of the strike was that the philosophy of men like Ablett now gained a following within the South Wales coalfield among the younger men like Williams.

In 1912, Ablett along with William Mainwaring, Noah Rees (both ex-SDF), William Hay and Arthur Cook was involved in the production of a pamphlet entitled The Miners’ Next Step. The pamphlet argued that socialists needed to organise from below to gain control of the leadership of the union. It demanded rank-and-file control of a centralised and industrial union, called for antagonistic relations with employers, and rejected the nationalisation of the mines in favour of workers’ control.

An industrial union is one in which all workers in the same industry are organised into one big organisation, thus giving workers in each industry more leverage in bargaining and strike situations. Industrial unionism contrasts with craft unionism, which organises workers along the lines of their specific trades sometimes leading to multiple unions with different contracts, pay and working conditions in the same workplace.

Syndicalism and industrial unionism underpinned the tactics of the newly formed South Wales Unofficial Reform Committee (URC), an unofficial rank-and-file organisation, which was the first miners’ organisation to raise the issue of workers’ control of industry. The URC advocated an aggressive industrial policy that would force the employers out of the industry leaving the mines under the control of the workers. Industrial unions covering all industries of the country would then become the basis of a completely new social structure. Fundamental to the ideology of syndicalism was the belief that a progressive social and political change transformation of society could be achieved by workers taking direct action in their workplaces rather than relying on parliament.

Although men like Ablett who advocated a form of revolutionary syndicalism never numbered more than a few thousand in Britain, their influence was much more widespread leading to widespread use of the tactics of direct action and militant confrontations with the colliery owners, particularly in South Wales.

It was not uncommon that the career paths of some of the militants from this period followed a trajectory that started on the coal face and then election to the role of checkweighmen. This could be followed by an election to a role as an SWMF elected official and finally a full-time agent with a place on the SWMF or MFGB Executives. The Miners’ Next Step advocated that the full-time officials be under the control of the rank and file and their tenure limited by regular elections. The pamphlet argued that there was no contradiction between syndicalism and the concept of leadership, provided the leaders remained under democratic control.

Subsequently, some of its authors, such as Ablett and Cook became full-time agents but continued to support the URC and advocate a form of syndicalism. However other SWMF officials such as Hartshorne distanced themselves from the URC and in time became openly hostile to syndicalism.

Given Williams’s admiration for Ablett, it can be reasonably assumed that he was also influenced by the growth of syndicalism and industrial unionism. This manifested itself in his approach to trade union politics and his relationships with employers and fellow workmen for the rest of his life.

Removal of Thomas

In 1912, Smillie was elected President of the MFGB and remained in position until 1921. The developing militancy across the South Wales coalfield now impacted the Garw valley. By 1912, there had developed considerable friction between Thomas and the larger steam coal lodges in the north of the Garw valley such as the International where Williams worked. The situation was finally resolved by a mass meeting of over 800 miners in Pencoed on 5 March 1912 when Thomas walked out of the meeting saying he was going to sever his links with the district.[112] However, some of the smaller, house coal lodges in the south of the valley and around Tondu did not agree with the action taken by the miners from the steam coal lodges and for a short period they set up a Lower Garw District with Thomas as its agent.

The next task for the Garw district of the SWMF was to advertise for a new agent. Fourteen applicants were shortlisted including seven local men and a ballot took place in May 1912. Subsequently, 24-year-old Frank Hodges was elected with a large majority by a vote taken by the three main steam coal collieries in the north of the valley.[113] William’s friend Gwilym Richards also applied and came third in the ballot with a strong vote from the International Colliery. It was likely that Williams would have voted for his friend because he later claimed Hodges only got the job because of his eloquence rather than his competence.[114]

Glamorgan Gazette 3 May 1912

Frank Hodges

Frank Hodges was born in Woolaston in the Forest of Dean in 1887 and was the son of a farm labourer. When he was a teenager, he moved to Abertillery to gain better-paid work in the mines with his father and brothers.[115] In 1901, at the age of 14, Frank Hodges started work at the Powell Tillery colliery and soon became an active member of the local miners’ union and joined the ILP.[116]

Frank Hodges (Credit Durham Mining Museum)

Like many others, Hodges was politicised by the industrial unrest of this period and as a result, involved himself in self-education and workers’ discussion groups. In 1909 he obtained a two-year union-sponsored scholarship to Ruskin College where he became involved in the Plebs League and the establishment of the breakaway Central Labour College.[117] In 1910, Hodges spent ten months studying at the Foyer de l’Ouvrier, Paris where he became friends with Eleanor Marx before returning to South Wales in 1911 to work on the coalface. 

Soon after his appointment, Hodges started to build a working relationship with Williams and started to reform the SWMF in the district.[118] He gained a position on the Executive of the SWMF where, just like Ablett, he argued for workers’ control rather than nationalisation by the state and advocated industrial unionism. In July 1912 Hodges argued:

When properly developed the business of every lodge in the coalfield will be the business of every other lodge. The whole machinery will be in the possession of the workmen themselves. If there are backward areas, if there are local disputes over price lists etc. the whole force of the Federation will be focused there until we have complete uniformity in conditions and wages. The funds and the fight of the whole will be at the disposal of the one, and this will ultimately extend to the whole Mining Federation of Great Britain until the mining industry will be completely possessed by those who toil in the mines.[119]

One of Hodge’s first tasks was to build support for a national miners’ strike in support of a demand for a national minimum wage. The strike began at the end of February 1912 when nearly one million miners took part. The strike was the biggest Britain had ever seen, and for more than a month, the nation’s pits were closed.  It ended on 6 April after 37 days. The result was a partial victory for the miners after government intervention established the principle of a locally negotiated minimum wage under the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act 1912. In the Garw valley, the strike was solid, and it confirmed Williams’s belief that, with a strong national union organisation, significant concessions could be won by industrial action.

One of the rules under the Minimum Wage Act was that up to two representatives could be elected from each lodge to settle disputes that may arise under the Act. In August 1912, an election was held for the post of minimum wage representative for the International lodge and Williams was one of five candidates nominated. The selection was by ballot and Williams was one of the candidates elected to the post.[120]

In 1912 Mabon stood down as President of the SWMF and was replaced by the existing Vice President William Brace. However, James Winston, a socialist, was elected as the new Vice President and the composition of the SWMF Executive moved to the left.[121] Sometime in 1912, Williams was elected to the additional role of SWMF wage and dispute representative for the International lodge.[122]

Non-union labour

There is no doubt that Hodges was an excellent organiser and continued to make an impact both nationally and locally.[123] At the MFGB conference in 1913, he moved a resolution that established a Triple Alliance of miners, railwaymen and transport workers to support each other in industrial disputes. In the years between 1912 and 1914, he ran a strong campaign against non-unionism resulting in the pits in the Garw valley becoming nearly one hundred per cent unionised. This involved organising house-to-house visits of individual non-unionists and strike action against their employment.[124]

On 2 December 1912, about 3,000 miners employed at the steam coal collieries in the Garw valley, including the International Colliery, came out on strike as a consequence of the employment of non-union labour. On 14 December, the strike was called off after the majority of the 500 non-unionists agreed to join the SWMF or pay up their arrears.[125]

On 1 May 1913, all the mines in the Garw valley were closed again with nearly 4,000 workers on strike because of the employment of 24 non-union workers. On 9 May 1913, the papers reported that the 24 non-union men in the Garw valley were persuaded to join the union after the intervention of the Secretary of the MFGB, Tom Richards.[126]

On 9 June 1913, Frank Hodges introduced the veteran syndicalist Tom Mann to a large meeting in Pontycymmer describing him as “the greatest figure in the industrial life of Europe”[127]. Mann argued that parliament would always represent the interests of the capitalist class and that:

they must declare for industrial unionism with one union for each industry, and all the unions linked together in one organisation.[128]

By June 1914, the situation had deteriorated again and there were now about 500 men who were outside the SWMF or were in arrears in the Garw valley, including 65 men at the International Colliery. As a result, with the encouragement of Frank Hodges, on Saturday 27 June, nearly 4,000 SWMF members went on strike and the six large pits in the Garw valley were closed. Hodges organised a house-to-house canvass throughout the district with considerable success. The strike ended the following Wednesday when most of the non-unionists joined the SWMF, leaving 73 men who were still in arrears or were non-members. Consequently, Hodges arranged for some of his members to be placed at the pit head at the beginning of each shift to scrutinise the union cards of men arriving for work and those out of compliance were sent home.[129] The Glamorgan Gazette reported:

About 20 extra police have been drafted into the place, and about 8 were on duty near the International Colliery, where work was resumed on Wednesday, and the men without clear cards were prevailed upon to return home.[130] 

It was clear that some excellent trade union work was carried out in the Garw valley at this time, but it was unlikely that it was all down to the work of one man. Hodges was able to threaten strike action with the confidence that he would have the full support of the membership. This policy would not have been possible without the grassroots organisations built by miners like Williams on the ground.

Women’s Suffrage and Internationalism

Williams did not confine himself to SWMF politics. He attended a demonstration at Trafalgar Square organised by the Men’s Federation for Women’s Suffrage. After being knocked to the ground by police, he witnessed the arrest of Sylvia Pankhurst.[131]

In 1912 the Labour MP, George Lansbury resigned his seat over the failure of the Labour party to support women’s sufferage. He fought the subsequent bi-election as an indepependent but lost. However when Fanny Thomas presided over a meeting of the Pontycymer ILP, it passed a unanonmous motion in his support.

On 25 February 1914 Williams and his friend from school, Gwilym Richards, helped organise a social benefit for over 500 people in Pontycymmer with music in aid of the Dublin workers who had returned to work defeated and hungry having been locked out for eight months.[132]

Blaengarw Workmen’s Institute

Both Williams and Richards were influenced by the Plebs League and had a strong interest in the arts and literature. Consequently, they were keen to provide educational opportunities for their fellow workers and involved themselves in organising educational events at the Blaengarw Institute where Evan David was elected as chairman in 1911. In, October 1914 Williams was elected as chairman of the Institute committee while Evan David took on the role of secretary.[133]

Blaengarw Workmen’s Hall was originally built in 1893 and opened on 5 March 1894. The prime mover and secretary of this project was Evan Griffiths, cashier at the International Colliery. The finance was funded by contributions of one penny in the pound which was deducted from the wages of employees at four collieries; Garw, International, Glengarw and Darran. The buliding of the Hall was a huge acheivement by the community of Blaengarw and became the focus for its educational and cultural life .  The hall offered a meeting place, a library, benefit concerts, choral singing and education classes which covered such topics as politics and economics to its two thousand members.  In addition, Williams was also active in organising self-education classes at the Ffaldau Institute in Pontycymmer.

Blaengarw Workmen’s Institute Today

War

In July 1914, Hartshorne spoke at the annual rally or demonstration of miners in the Forest of Dean where he advised the miners not just to organise industrially but also politically to obtain labour representation in parliament. Hartshorne went on to promise “the greatest labour upheaval next year the world has ever seen”. He accused the Liberals of representing those forces in society that exploit the working classes and criticised them for their failure to support the demand for a minimum wage.

The upsurge in working-class militancy, the campaign for women’s suffrage, the development of working-class self-education and a developing internationalism must have made Williams feel that the world could rid itself of injustice and poverty and he could have a role in making this happen. However, by the summer of 1914, any dream of a better world was shattered by war. 

The policy of the MFGB was to coordinate action with all sections of the international working class to prevent war at any cost and to intervene with all means at its disposal to bring any war to an end. Sadly, trade unions and social democratic leaders failed to use the power of the trade union movement and their international organisations to achieve this. Soon military recruitment began within an atmosphere of jingoism and peer pressure which celebrated nationhood and empire.

By the end of August, the Labour Party and the TUC had declared an ‘industrial truce’ for the duration of the war and lent their support to an all-party recruitment campaign. One very important dissenter was Ramsay MacDonald, leader of the ILP and the Parliamentary Labour Party, who resigned from the government and was replaced by Arthur Henderson.[134] By May 1915, there were three Labour MPs in the Coalition Government and one of them, Henderson, was in the cabinet.

The majority of ILP members opposed the decision to go to war. On 6 August 1914, Hardie called on ILP members to resist the nationalist hysteria that was now sweeping the country. In the same issue of the party’s journal the Labour Leader, the young editor Fenner Brockway, wrote:

Workers of Great Britain you have no quarrel with the workers of Europe. They have no quarrel with you. The quarrel is between the ruling classes of Europe. Don’t make this quarrel yours…[135]

Another major dissenter among the trade union leaders was Smillie, the president of the MFGB, who believed the war was an unmitigated disaster for the working class. Smillie was a devoted friend of Keir Hardie and a leading member of the anti-war majority of the ILP.[136] Yet Smillie was careful not to express outright opposition to the war in public and spent the war years negotiating with the government to limit the use of compulsory industrial labour and resisting its attempts to run the mines under a semi-military discipline. At the start of the war, Smillie made it clear to the government that he would not tolerate any attempt to interfere with the civil rights of men employed in the mining industry.

However, there was a wide range of views within the MFGB over the war and many miners volunteered. The recently elected President of the SWMF, William Brace, supported the war effort and was shortly to enter government as the parliamentary under Secretary at the Home Office.[137] Ablett was the only member of the SWMF Executive Committee who argued that the miners should take strike action to try to stop the war, as a part of an international movement.

As a result, on 8 August 1914, the government introduced the Defence of the Realm Act (DORA) which gave it wide-ranging powers to introduce a variety of authoritarian social control mechanisms. The Act included the statement that “no person shall by word of mouth or in writing spread reports likely to cause disaffection or alarm among any of His Majesty’s forces or the civilian population”.[138] During the war, the Act was used to arrest and imprison a large number of trade unionists and anti-war activists. 

War in the Garw Valley

Thousands of South Wales miners flocked to the recruiting stations, and by the end of the war, twenty per cent of Welsh miners had served in the military. In Glamorgan, nearly 50,000 volunteered for the army many encouraged Hartshorne who spoke on recruiting platforms.[139] Some of these men may have been influenced by peer pressure or the hope of adventure and a quick victory. Some may have been spurred on by patriotic jingoism or just wanted a break from the drudgery of working in the pit for long hours in unhealthy and dangerous conditions.[140] Poverty was a significant factor affecting recruitment in August 1914.[141] For volunteer miner, William Edwards:

the general belief was that the war would be over in three months, and the period of army service would provide a welcome break from the pits.[142]

In August, 150 reservists left the Garw valley and by mid-September 250 men from the Garw valley had signed up.[143] Another factor impacting recruitment was the temporary rise of unemployment resulting from the closure of some of the steam coal collieries as a result of the loss of the export trade.

During the war, Hartshorne served on the coal trade organization committee, the coal controllers’ advisory committee, and the industrial unrest committee in South Wales. His loyal support resulted in his award of an OBE in 1918.  There is no record of Williams making any statement about his position on the war. He would have known some miners and relatives who volunteered and some who were killed. However, it is reasonable to assume he felt the war was a tragedy for the whole community in the Garw valley and given his admiration for Ablett it is likely he agreed with his opposition to the British government’s decision to go to war.

As demand for coal for the war effort increased and the shortage of labour due to military recruitment impacted the level of production there was huge pressure on the miners to work long hours and through their holidays. Consequently, Hodges and Williams backed the stance taken by Smillie and set about defending the pay and work conditions of their members, resisting attempts to interfere with the civil rights of miners and challenging the profiteering of the colliery owners.

While Hodges was at the forefront of these campaigns, Williams continued to build on the respect he had established with his fellow workmen. In early 1914 he was elected Chairman of the Garw district of the SWMF representing nearly 4,000 men working under the leadership and direction of Hodges. He regularly chaired meetings of the Garw region of the SWMF where Hodges was the main speaker.[144] On 9 October 1914, out of 12 applicants, Williams was elected as checkweighman at the International Colliery.[145] At the same time, his trade union duties were expanded as a result of his election as the SWMF representative at the International Colliery.

1915 Strike

At a special conference of the MFGB on 21 April 1915, Hodges was mandated to speak in favour of an SWMF resolution arguing for strike action to force the employers to grant a 20 per cent war bonus to counteract the considerable rise in the cost of living. He attacked the Liberal government for its partiality towards capitalists’ interests. He argued that the threat of strike action was not the primary responsibility of the South Wales miners because the coal colliery owners had refused to meet with the MFGB to discuss their demand for a 20 per cent advance in wages.

Gentlemen the onus of responsibility will fall on the capitalists in the first instance, and the Government in the second instance, for not having the courage to remove the capitalists’ objection.[146]

Williams chaired meetings while Hodges spoke in support of the campaign in the Garw valley.[147] The owners refused to negotiate, and, so the SWMF gave notice to end all existing agreements. Political mediation failed, and despite opposition from some SWMF executive members including Hartshorne, a delegate conference in July called for a strike. The Executive of the MFGB appealed to the South Wales miners to remain at work, and then the government passed the Munitions Act which made the strikes illegal and the restriction of output a criminal offence.[148] This only aggravated the situation more.

In defiance, 200,000 men went on strike and ships were held up because of the lack of steam coal. It was not possible to arrest 200,000 miners and so within five days, the government pressed the employers to make further concessions, which were duly made. The South Wales miners’ demands were met in full with a new agreement and a 20 per cent increase in their wages. However, during the strike, the miners were accused by the press of being the ‘Kaiser’s Black Guards’.[149] The accusation of treachery by the media was misplaced. The strike was fundamentally about the grievances of the South Wales miners concerning inflation and profiteering by the coal mine owners.

However opposition to the war was building and in August 1915, Williams helped organise an event under the auspices of the International Study Circle at the Ffaldau Institute with Meth Jones speaking on the question of the British intervention in the war. Williams also organised a series of educational classes on economics at the Institute.[150]

Non-unionism

In contrast, Hodges and Hartshorne were keen to show their support for the war effort. In November 1915 a delegation of South Wales Miners’ leaders, including Hodges, Hartshorn and Tom Richards visited the Western Front where they assured the men in the trenches that “nothing on our part would be left undone to give every necessary support to ensure victory”.[151]

The presence of non-union labour had become a major concern among South Wales miners and was in danger of leading to more strikes. At the end of November, six thousand miners were on strike in the Rhondda over the employment of a mere handful of non-union labour. The men returned to work after about a week when all the non-unionists joined up. In addition, another 20,000 South Wales miners were threatening to walk out over non-unionism.[152]

In the Garw valley, miners tended notices of strike action over the presence of 60 miners in arrears at International and 30 at the Garw (Ocean) colliery. A mass meeting of miners from the two collieries was held in Blaengarw on 31 November and a decision to organise a show of cards at the collieries forced the men to pay their subscription and a strike was averted.[153]

Government Control

The coal mine owners were continuing to make huge profits out of the war and yet they continued to antagonise the miners over the issue of non-unionism and low wages. In addition, they refused a demand by the SWMF that there should be a joint audit of their books. The government could no longer risk keeping control of the mines in the hands of the owners. The threat of renewed disruption in the mining industry forced the government to take control of the South Wales coalfields in December and the rest of the coalfields early the following year.

Government control meant that `the owners were guaranteed a standard profit and had responsibility for the day-to-day management of the pits. In addition, the MFGB gained a system of national wage settlements which provided flat rate increases to all districts. The system was financed by creating a pool funded by excess profits by the colliery companies and tax receipts by the government. This arrangement suited the districts with low productivity, such as the Forest of Dean, as historically they were tied into district agreements which left them worse off than the more productive areas.

Hartshorn and Hodges were concerned that any more conflict over the issue of non-unionism could undermine their commitment to giving every necessary support to ensure victory in the war. As a result, the SWMF negotiated an agreement that meant membership of a trade union was a condition of employment for the war period.

Tensions

Williams and Hodges had to work together but there were tensions between the two men as differences over support for the war effort and the conscription of miners became apparent. The first MFGB conference Williams attended was held in Nottingham in October 1915 when he was 28 years old. In his October 1961 interview with R Page Arnot Williams records:

He (Williams) was a delegate along with Frank Hodges, then the agent for the Garw.  There was an incident of Hodges with a girl in the hotel. It was the first time he had ever imagined such a thing could take place.[154]

This quote reflects a strong sense of morality which was characteristic of many young socialists at the time who had come from a background of non-conformism and the ILP which had a strong moral base. Williams did acknowledge in his interview with Arnot: “I was rather puritanical perhaps”.[155] However, it also hints at a distrust of Hodges who, attracted by the trappings of power, was now becoming increasingly ambitious.

In September 1915, Keir Hardy, the pacifist ILP MP for Merthyr, died. In November 1915, Charles Stanton stood in the resulting by-election on a pro-war nationalist ticket and beat the ILP candidate James Winstone.

Since the start of the war, Stanton’s views had radically changed and he had now become a jingoistic national socialist.  The result reflected the divided opinion over support for the war effort within the South Wales mining community. Stanton’s candidature was supported by the Socialist National Defence League (SNDL) whose origins lay in a split, in early 1915, within the BSP over the question of the support for Britain in its war against Germany. As a result of this split, a right-wing minority led by Hyndman left and formed the SNDL while most members remained in the BSP and campaigned for a peaceful settlement with Germany.

One result of Stanton’s success was that the SWMF had to run a ballot for a new agent for the Aberdare district. In December 1915, perhaps wishing to move away from the influence of Hodges, Williams stood in the election for the vacant post but came second from the bottom out of sixteen candidates.[156]

At the beginning of 1916, nationally 282,000 miners had volunteered for the military and the government had become concerned that the loss of labour in the mines could mean there would be a danger of a shortage of coal for the war effort. As a result, Colliery Recruiting Courts were established in each area to monitor the voluntary enlistment of miners to guarantee the maintenance of coal output. Hartshorne sat on the Glamorgan Court as a representative of the employees. 

Conscription

However, the military still needed more men to replace those being slaughtered on the Western Front.[157]  In January 1916, the British government passed the Military Service Act which specified that men from the ages of 18 to 41 were liable to be called up for service unless they were married (or a widower with children), or else granted exemption because of serving in a reserved occupation such as mining.  There was immediate opposition from such groups as the No-Conscription Fellowship (NCF) and initially by the MFGB.[158]

Despite this, in February 1916, the War Office started sending out call-up papers. They warned that those who did not turn up would be treated as wartime deserters and arrested. Most men obeyed the call-up papers and went to their local barracks as ordered.  On 17 April a meeting of the delegates of the SWMF Miners’ Federation at Cardiff adopted a resolution to take strike action if the government introduced conscription of miners.[159]

The conscription of men involved in the mining industry was treated as a special case. The colliery recruiting courts were adapted to serve as special tribunals to grant or withhold exemption on occupational grounds for those men involved in the mining industry. The military appeal tribunals had no jurisdiction over cases where exemptions had been refused by the colliery recruiting court based on occupation or date of entry into the mining industry. Miners could still apply to the local tribunal for exemption based on personal circumstances.[160] Colliery owners were asked to send a complete list of their employees to the local court.

This special procedure for dealing with colliery cases was maintained throughout the war period. The imposition of conscription immediately impacted the mining community as surface workers and those men who were accused of persistent absenteeism could have their exemptions withdrawn and sent to the front.[161]

Hours of Work

The government and the colliery owners continued to put pressure on the men to work long hours. Coal mining is an incredibly hard and dangerous job and miners traditionally needed to rest to recover from exhaustion or injury.  Consequently, the question of working long hours was one of the main complaints Williams and Hodges had to deal with. A mass meeting of daymen (as opposed to the hewers who worked on piece rates), was held on 19 February 1916 in Pontycymmer chaired by Williams with Hodges as the main speaker. The meeting was called to protest about some daymen who worked on Sunday in the face of a resolution requesting them to refrain from doing so. A resolution was passed that:

All underground workmen must be stopped in future from working after the day shift is finished on Saturday until Monday morning, and the resolution must be carried out even to the extent of picketing.[162]

Despite this, Hodges’ attitude to the war was ambiguous and his attitude on working extra hours to increase coal production for the war effort changed as the war progressed. In the summer of 1916, Williams chaired meetings where Hodges started to urge the men to work through their holidays. As a result, the Garw miners agreed to work through their summer holiday and all the collieries in the Garw worked on the 1916 August bank holiday.[163]

A Letter From The Front.

In 1916 Corporal Evan William (Llanfa) Watkins of Pontycymmer and a Royal Engineers Tunneller  wrote:

Here amidst the broken and shattered ruins of villages, the flowers bloom and the hedges are full of greenery– that is to say in a shy sort of way, as if ashamed of all this carnage, blood and devastation. The birds are chirping away merrily enough on occasion too, and in the torn walls and blasted hedges they have built their nests through the roar of bursting shells and incessant machine-gun fire.

The whole countryside is torn with fire and the tramp of myriads of men, but through it all you see Nature trying to assert itself. I suppose Man will tire of this conflict, and that Nature, as usual will be victorious, but it is Mankind that will pay the price.

There must have been something radically wrong with our so-called Civilisation and Christianity itself to demand such a terrible price as that which all Europe is paying now.

Here Civilisation is non-existent; Barbarism to cure Christianity? What a terrible idea. Will Right triumph? If it will, it ought to be good, for we are paying dearly for it, and will continue for centuries to pay. The waste of money from our treasury alone is bad enough, but the terrible drain on our manhood can never be replaced. The cries of widows and orphans, the pitiful condition of the maimed, the halt and blind, the real victims of this cruel and inhuman war, call with great force for the punishment of the instigators of this great calamity.

Well, what about after this war? I am sure we will win, for time is on our side, and it is a formidable ally. Are we going to go back to the old notions of life in our own country? Are we to pay this awful price for nothing? Are we going to have a better Wales? A country where merit not money counts? Are the working classes going to purge their prejudices and petty animosities so as to have a clearer concept of their powers and their limitations?

If, as I trust, we emerge from this conflict with that clearer vision, a vision which sees even in the worst of men that he is not wholly bad, and that the capitalist also will see that he has responsibilities as well as privileges, the price will not be wholly in vain.[164]

In 1917, Watkins was sent home after being badly gassed but sadly he died at the 3rd Western General Hospital, Neath on Friday 31st August 1917. His body was brought back to his home at 20 Albany Road Pontycymmer on Monday evening the 3rd September where a large number of sympathisers attended.

Watkins had fought in the South African War and had re-enlisted at the outbreak of the Great War. He served as a tunneller with the Royal Engineers for 11 months in France before being gassed. He had worked as a Collier at the Glenavon Colliery Blaengarw before his enlistment. He left a widow and no children. He was buried at Pontycymmer Cemetry along with another unfortunate soldier who had also died of wounds and had left six children fatherless.[165]

Conscription of Miners

In early 1917, the government had to face up to huge losses of men at the front mainly because of the disastrous Battle of the Somme in 1916.  The military needed more healthy young men to continue to fight the war so resorted to the conscription of miners to replace the men lost. Faced with the prospect of compulsory removal from the mines to the front, disaffection among miners increased significantly.

This heightened tensions in the Garw valley between those who believed that pressure should be brought on the government for a negotiated peace and those who believed the war should be fought to the bitter end.  In the South Wales valleys, the URC became the focus of anti-war activity and started to campaign for peace through negotiations between Britain and Germany and against the conscription of miners.[166]

On 26 January 1917, the government issued a warning that up to 40,000 men might be released from the mines for service in the military. However, the government acknowledged that it could not implement a scheme to conscript miners without the support of the MFGB. It had learned from experience that antagonising the miners could lead to strike action and that could undermine their military campaigns. Despite this, the military started to visit each pit in the Garw valley to inspect and register all those medically fit and eligible for recruitment.[167]

On 1 February 1917, the Executive of the MFGB met with the Home Secretary to discuss details of the scheme and agreed that exemptions would only be cancelled for men who entered the mining industry after August 1914, having been previously engaged in other occupations.[168] This was called the comb-out.

In response, the URC initiated a campaign against the conscription of miners regardless of their status. A delegate conference of the SWMF was held on 13 February to discuss the comb-out proposal and the discussion which lasted for over five hours became very heated.[169] In a ballot, most of the delegates voted to resist the conscription of miners and supported the demand for a general policy to negotiate an honourable peace with Germany. A card vote with each delegate representing 50 workers resulted in 1092 accepting the comb-out scheme and 1626 against it. This was effectively a vote of censure against the MFGB Executive. However, the SWMF Executive insisted that the conference be adjourned to the following Monday to give delegates time to consult further with their lodges.[170]

Both Hodges and Hartshorne were highly critical of those miners in the Garw valley who supported the URC and had voted against the comb out.  On Sunday 18 February, Hodges spoke at a mass meeting of miners in Pontycymmer, chaired by Williams,  where he made a scathing attack on the Garw delegates whom he claimed had voted against the government’s scheme without properly consulting with the members of their lodges. The Glamorgan Gazette reported that:

Mr Hodges said that it was on the records of the Federation that he had strongly opposed the introduction of conscription, but when he found that he was in a hopeless minority at the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain and Labour Party conference and the Trades Union Congress, he recognised that it would be futile for the South Wales coalfield to go in the teeth of the decision of the organised workers of the country. It was stated that two lodges in the Garw district had already passed resolutions regarding the adjourned conference. One decided to accept the Executive’s report, and the other to adhere to the rejection. The meeting thereupon demanded that all the lodge delegates must take their mandate from this mass meeting. A resolution was passed by a very large majority instructing the Garw delegates to vote at the adjourned conference for the acceptance of the Executive’s report or in the alternative for a ballot of the coalfield on any general policy. [171]

The conference was re-convened on Monday 19 February when the vote was taken again resulting in a small majority accepting the stance taken by the MFGB Executive. This time there were 1828 in favour of the scheme and 1309 against giving a majority of 519 in favour.[172]

However, the government remained cautious and as a temporary measure, on 16 March 1917, it issued a notice asking for volunteers from the mines. The inducement offered was that volunteers could join the regiment of their choice. As a result, nationally, the government enlisted 19,000 miners, including volunteers and conscripted surface workers. One reason for this was that young miners were warned that they would soon be conscripted anyway and by volunteering they could at least join a regiment of their choice and avoid an infantry posting. Others had their exemptions cancelled by the colliery recruiting courts for reasons such as alleged absenteeism or poor behaviour. If they appealed, they were told that in such cases the tribunal had no jurisdiction. 

Since the result was only partially successful, on 4 April 1917, the MFGB was asked to attend a meeting with the military to assist in the scheme for the conscription of 21,000 miners to reach the figure of 40,000. This would mean that approximately 4500 aged 18-25 men would need to be conscripted from among the South Wales miners. However, it was decided to wait and see if it was still possible to raise the required number voluntarily from among the young and single men.

A few days later, on Easter Monday, 9 April 1917, Allied troops went over the top on the first day of the Battle of Arras. This offensive would take 160,000 British lives.  On 17 April the SWMF delegate conference met to discuss if the MFGB should be actively involved in assisting the government in its latest comb-out proposals.[173] The majority of the delegates with the backing of the Executive passed a resolution: “That we do not take part as a Federation, in respect of the matter.” [174]

On 6 May a mass meeting of miners from the Garw valley was held at the Talbot Institute in Kenfig Hill where Hodges explained his support for the position of the MFGB. It became apparent that there was a division of opinion amongst the men over the issue. In the end, a resolution was passed by a large majority that stated if there was conscription of miners the men who should be first called up were those who had entered the mine since August 1914.

In May, the government proceeded to make arrangements with the MFGB for the immediate release of all men who were of military age and had entered the pits after August 1914, except craftsmen such as enginemen, winding men, electricians, fitters or mechanics. On 20 June, the MFGB national conference voted in favour of accepting the comb-out scheme just for men who had entered the pits during the war with 114 votes in favour and 17 against. Most votes against were from South Wales. The colliery owners also agreed and a joint letter from the MFGB and owners was sent out to the coalfields on 14 July that began:

During the present year, the War Cabinet has so far decided to take 40,000 men from the coal mines for the army. Of this number so far only about 19,000 have been found; and it is imperative that the balance amounting to 21,000 should be forthcoming.[175] This would mean 4575 from South Wales and 3021 from Glamorgan.[176]

Immediately opposition developed, particularly in South Wales. At a delegate conference of the SWMF on 2 August, the scheme was rejected by 236 votes to 25 despite Frank Hodges and most of the Executive arguing strongly in favour of the scheme.[177] The conference decided to hold a ballot over the question of the SWMF taking strike action to resist the implementation of the scheme in South Wales. It was agreed that the ballot be held in October and over the next two months the SWMF Executive including Hodges, the media and the government mounted a vigorous campaign  against strike action.

The conference also passed a resolution to ascertain the opinion of the organised labour movement of this country on the question the establishment of a peace movement in the belligerent countries and compelling the government to make a statement on its war aims.[178]

A general feeling of the inequality of sacrifice endured by the working classes and disgust at the profiteering by the capitalists had continued to be widespread. Consequently, the conference also discussed a resolution to take industrial action against food price profiteering. A motion to that effect failed, but the delegates did call on the government-appointed Food Controller to take drastic action.[179]

In the Garw valley, young men who had entered the pits after August 1914 were having their exemptions cancelled by the colliery recruiting courts and being sent for training in the front. However, the military was still demanding more men but the government was concerned that it would be dangerous to extend the scheme to conscript miners who had started working underground before the start of the war. So in August, the government put the scheme on a temporary hold and decided to consult further with the MFGB who insisted that only those miners who had entered the pits after the start of the war should be conscripted.[180]

On 19 August, a large meeting with Frank Hodges as the main speaker and chaired by T Jenkins at the Hippodrome in Pontycymmer on the question of sending delegates to the Stockholm conference which was supported by the SWMF Executive.[181]  The Stockholm conference was an attempt by the socialist parties among the allies in Europe including the British Labour Party to come up with a peace formula. It failed partly because the British and some other allied governments refused to support the initiative.

This was followed the next day by the monthly meeting of the Garw district where a motion was passed approving the principle of the Stockholm conference. Hodges reported the comb-out scheme had been suspended until 8 September. It was also decided to support a resolution from the Executive of the SWMF that the machinery of the MFGB not be used for recruiting.

Hodges put forward a proposal of a one-day strike against profiteering to be put to the SWMF Executive.[182]  However, the SWMF leadership attempted to forestall such a policy, and the introduction of a bread subsidy temporarily delayed the emergence of a more serious campaign for direct action on the food question.[183] On 7 September The Glamorgan Gazette reported that Hodges had been appointed as a magistrate.[184]

The newspapers were full of reports of casualties, particularly during the disastrous attempt by the British to end the stalemate during the Passchendaele offensive between July and November 1917. At the time Lloyd George declared in private that “if people knew the truth, the war would be stopped tomorrow. But of course, they don’t know and can’t know”.[185] However, war deaths and injuries could not be hidden. Local hospitals were overflowing with the wounded. Nobody wanted to be sent to the front and dissent was in the air.

The government was still struggling to raise enough men and continued to pressure the MFGB. On 7 September 1917, the MFGB Special Conference had before it two motions. The first, “that the MFGB take no part in assisting in the recruitment of miners for the army” was defeated with the main support for the motion coming from South Wales, Scotland and the Forest of Dean. The second one was, “that the suggested new scheme be not put into operation until all persons of military age who have entered the mines since August 1914, have been combed-out and who were not bona fide miners before August 4 1914”. This motion was carried, but South Wales abstained.[186]

In South Wales, the industrial militants, including Hodges and Ablett, were already in control of their Executive. However, the SWMF Executive was still divided over its attitude to the war and the conscription of miners. Winstone was now strongly in favour of a negotiated peace settlement but against taking strike action. Hodges and some of the older men such as Hartshorne and Richards were keen to support the war effort and opposed to taking industrial action against the comb-out. As a result, the increasing power of the SWMF delegate conference, which reflected the opinion of rank-and-file miners in the lodges, led to conflict between delegates and the Executive over conscription and the war.

An additional factor in the growth of opposition to the comb-out was that the removal of men from the pits resulted in increased pressure on the remaining older men to maintain productivity and impacted safety and working conditions. 

Consequently, over the next few weeks, sporadic unofficial strikes spread through the South Wales coalfields against the comb-out.[187] At a delegate conference of the SWMF on 8 October 1917, a resolution was agreed that the SWMF take no part in assisting in the recruitment of miners for the army or navy and the ballot should go ahead on the issue of strike action against the comb-out scheme. The Executive Committee of the SWMF, frightened of the implications of a confrontation with the government, strongly recommended to its members to vote against strike action. In addition, the Executive only allowed men over the age of eighteen the right to vote and so excluded those more likely to be conscripted in the future from the right to voice an opinion.

Despite this five weeks later a significant minority of 28,903 voted for strike action with 98,946 against it.[188] In the Garw Valley, most miners backed Hodges and the SWMF Executive with 707 miners voting for strike action and 4,068 against it. As a result, there was no strike, and the conscription of young miners continued.[189] However, the government accepted the MFGB standpoint and agreed to continue only to cancel the exemption of all “who were not bona fide miners before 4 Aug 1914”.[190]

Food Control Committees

Meanwhile, about four hundred ILP candidates had been elected in South Wales to a variety of public bodies including Boards of Guardians and district and county councils. More than three-quarters of these people were members of the SWMF.[191]

In August 1917, Lord Rhondda made the establishment of local Food Control Committees (FCC) statutory throughout the country. The FCCs were established under the jurisdiction of the local town or urban district council. Most were comprised of sitting members of the local councils, elected before the war so the Labour Party was usually under-represented and the councils were dominated by Liberal and Tory interests.

In October 1917, Williams spoke at length at a meeting under the auspices of the Garw Trades and Labour Council to protest against the lack of Labour representatives on the Food Control Committee of Ogmore and Garw Council. A resolution was unanimously passed endorsing Williams’s demands.[192]

Consequently, in mid-November, the Bridgend Council received a request from Gawr Trades and Labour Council for Frank Hodges to replace a retiring member of the FCC. One of the councillors, backed by the acting chairman, George Bevan, the agent for Lord Dunraven, proposed that the request be refused and argued that as Hodges was of military age, he should be in the army. Bevan argued Hodges represented a class that derived benefit from exploiting the public. On the casting vote of Bevan, it was decided the request from Gawr Trades and Labour Council should be rejected. When interviewed by the press, Hodges noted the irony of the miners being called ‘exploiters of the public’ by the estate agent of the Earl of Dunraven.

The Garw valley miners rallied to the defence of Hodges. The International Lodge, Blaengarw, argued that the high coal prices were due to excessive royalties (which were paid to the owners of the land under which the coal seams lay) and colliery profits made by the landowning and capitalist classes. Resolutions were sent to the Council which resulted in heated debates and insults being flung from both sides. Finally, an agreement was made to co-op Hodges onto the committee.

On Christmas Eve a meeting organised by the Garw District of the SWMF and the Bridgend, Tondu and District Trades and Labour Council, chaired by Evan David was held in Bridgend and joined by miners and their families descending from the Garw valley.  Hodges received a rousing reception when he rose to speak and launched a frontal attack upon the property rights of the landed interests of Bridgend. He proposed that the FCC organise a cull of all the game on the district’s estates to provide a free Christmas dinner for the dependents of soldiers and sailors in the district. His resolution was passed but at the next meeting ruled out of order.

However, in March 1918, the Labour Leader complained of the continued victimisation of ILP members by colliery managers in the Garw valley. It also claimed that the Garw ILP now had a membership of 140 and a choir of 40 members. The Labour Leader claimed that in the spring of 1918, Garw ILP had organised a series of public meetings with each meeting attended by at least one thousand people.[193] In Pontycymmer and Blaengarw the ILP organised at least one meeting about pacifism.[194]

Second Comb-Out

On 28 February 1918, the MFGB conference in London met again to consider the government’s proposal for the conscription of yet another 50,000 miners into the army and another 50,000 in reserve. The question of what attitude the MFGB should take towards this new scheme had been recently referred to the various districts and their reports were presented to the conference. One proposal was that each area should provide a fixed quota based on the number of persons employed and that the selection of men should be made by ballot. As before there was a general demand that those who had entered the mines since the outbreak of the war should be combed out first. However, this time it was clear that the comb-out could result in the conscription of longer-serving miners. It was agreed to hold a national ballot of the whole membership on the question of the additional comb-out and whether the machinery of the MFGB should be employed to secure the necessary men.

In March 1918, the Germans launched a new offensive on the Western Front. The government could not wait for the ballot and on 8 March announced its decision to proceed with the recruitment of 50,000 miners.[195] It immediately sent a letter to the Secretary of the MFGB on 7 March asking it to make available the necessary men for recruitment.

I hereby withdraw all certificates of exemptions issued on grounds of employment to persons employed in or about coal mines who were on 2 November 1915, unmarried or widowed without any child dependent upon them, and on January 1 1918, attained the age of 18 years and eight months, but had not on that date attained the age of 25 years….The directors of National Service in the regions will get into touch with representatives of employers and men so the men selected will be chosen either by age group or by ballot, as may be found more suitable to meet local conditions.[196] 

The MFGB national ballot went ahead resulting in a small majority in favour of the rejection of a second comb-out. However, the result did not give a two-thirds majority which, according to the rules of the MFGB, would have forced the MFGB Executive to reject the scheme. As a result, and under pressure from the government, the MFGB Executive backed down from calling a national strike.[197]  On 2 April 1918, an unofficial conference organised by South Wales miners in Cardiff called for the Executive of the SWMF to call a delegate conference to consider industrial action against the comb out.[198] The URC was the main organising force behind the conference and now had members in the Garw valley.[199] In response, Hodges spoke at a mass meeting of miners in Pontycymmer Sunday on 7 April where he argued that:

The unofficial conference was doomed in its inception by the sound common sense of the miners generally, and in the end, it brought nothing but discredit upon those responsible for it. [200]

The meeting passed a resolution supporting the recommendation from the SWMF executive that the MFGB exercise supervision over the obtaining of men, to prevent cases of individual injustice and unnecessary hardship.

Despite this, those opposing the war within the South Wales coalfield were becoming increasingly influential. Prominent URC members and anti-war activists such as Noah Ablett, Siegfried Owen Davies, and William Mainwaring gained posts as miners’ agents.  Arthur James Cook publicly opposed the war in April 1916, after which time he was under persistent police surveillance. In April 1918, he was charged with sedition under the Defence of the Realm Act and was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment, of which he served two.[201] After his release from prison, he became increasingly seen as a leader of the Rhondda miners where he was elected as miners’ agent in 1919. Ablett was elected the miners’ agent for the Merthyr district in December 1917.

Another young militant who was gaining prominence was Arthur Horner who was elected a checkweighman at Mardy Colliery in 1918.  In June 1918, the MFGB successfully forced the government to concede another war bonus of 1s 6d to counteract inflation, on the condition the union continued to attempt to reduce absenteeism in the pits. Both these men would have a big impact on Williams during his time working in the Forest of Dean as the agent for the FDMA.

The Armistice

The armistice, which was declared on 11 November 1918, was a tremendous relief for the whole Garw community. However, the community had little to celebrate.  About 229 men from the Gawr Valley had been killed during the war and many more had returned home maimed and injured.[202]

The flu epidemic caused many deaths and one of the worst-hit areas in Wales was Ogmore and Garw, where in one week in November 57 people died. By the end of the pandemic in 1920, the overall death rate in Wales was calculated at 4.3 per 1000, with North Wales seeing the highest number of deaths. [203] On 29 November 1918, the Glamorgan Gazette reported:

There is a feeling of despondency throughout the Garw a Valley consequent upon the recent outbreak of influenza. Many deaths have already been reported. and hundreds are laid up. Some of the best are taken in their youth. [204]

This was followed by a report Glamorgan Gazette on 6 December 1918:

There are not yet any signs of an abatement of the influenza epidemic. There are still hundreds of cases, and the doctors are working at a great strain. Unfortunately, a great number of deaths have occurred during the past week. It is hoped that the outbreak has now reached its climax.  There are so many funerals on the same day that in some areas it is really difficult to obtain men to act as bearers.[205]

In addition, families had to wait for their loved ones to return from France and miners at home were expected to work flat out to maintain supplies of coal.  Dissent was in the air as returning miners joined those who had remained in the pits during the war and demanded a land fit for heroes.

Constitutional Politics

By the end of the war, the Pontycymmer ILP branch was reported to be expanding at a phenomenal rate, which continued during the following years.  It is unclear if Williams remained a member of the ILP but after the war, he was elected to the Executive of the Mid Glamorgan Labour Party. In December 1918, he was part of the successful campaign to elect Hartshorne unopposed as Labour MP for the new constituency of Ogmore.  However, at a national level, the result was a huge victory for a coalition comprised of Liberals and the Conservatives headed by the prime minister Lloyd George.

This created a problem for constitutional socialists because, although they had received some success at a local level, political power nationally remained firmly in the hands of the Tory and Liberal ruling class. Despite this, syndicalists did not rule out constitutional political action and believed there was still a role for workers to enter parliament and partake in local elections. According to the Miners’ Next Step:

Political action must go on side by side with industrial action. Such measures as the Mines Bill, Workmen’s Compensation Acts, proposals for nationalising the Mines, etc., demand the presence in Parliament of men who directly represent, and are amenable to, the wishes and instructions of the workmen.

Ted Williams

In November 1918, after the retirement of its part-time Secretary Tom Ashton, the MFGB decided to appoint a permanent official in that role. Hodges, helped by his reputation as a militant, was nominated by the SWMF and then went on to defeat seven other nominations in the MFGB ballot. At the age of thirty-one, the labourer’s son from the Forest of Dean had now become the most respected and powerful leader in the British coalfields.

In response, on 1 January Evan David, Secretary of the Garw branch of the SWMF, sent out notices in the media advertising for a new agent and stating all applications to be received by 10 January.[206] There were many applicants, both local and from outside the district, including John Williams. Five applicants remained in the contest after the first round of voting. In the second round, the results were as follows: [207]

Ted Williams 3486

Ted Gill (Captain Edward Gill MC) 2308

John Williams 355

Peter Squire 326

Howell Rees 192

The applicants included the experienced and talented trade unionists Ted Williams and Ted Gill which meant John Williams who also applied was beaten into third place. Unfortunately, there had been some unpleasant rumours circulating about Ted Gill who had fought in World War One and had been promoted to the rank of Captain. The rumours included a statement which implied he was repulsive to look at and unable to speak due to the nature of his wounds. The rumours also included insinuations that, during the war, he was a tyrant to the men under his command and had had five men shot. None of this was true but as a result on 1 March, he decided to withdraw from the contest. Gill made it clear that he knew Ted Williams was not a party to these allegations.[208]  John Wiliams later stated he had great respect for Ted Gill’s ability so it was unlikely anything to do with the rumours. However, this meant Ted Wiliams was elected to the role of agent for the Garw region of the SWMF a post he held until 1931.

Ted Williams (Credit: Ancestry)

Ted Williams was an experienced trade unionist having been elected, in 1912, as the minimum wage agent for the Great Western Colliery workmen. In 1913, he won a SWMF scholarship to attend the Central Labour College where he studied for two years. On his return, he was victimised by Great Western colliery but then obtained work at Penrhiw colliery, Pontypridd. After Ablett was appointed as agent for the Merthyr District of the SWMF in 1917, Ted Williams succeeded him as checkweighman at Mardy colliery where he continued his union work. He also worked for six years as a provincial lecturer for the CLC teaching political economy, sociology and history including the history of the cooperative movement and industrial history.[209]

Ted Williams was two years younger than Williams but both typified an aspirational younger generation of miners keen to improve themselves while remaining loyal to their community, heritage and fellow workers.

Militant Leadership

In the post-war British coalfields, the developments in the Garw valley reflected the ascendancy of a more militant leadership within the miners’ union, both nationally and in South Wales. Although in 1919 most of the Executive of the MFGB were still men of moderate view, militants were being elected to influential positions within the local associations and were beginning to influence the delegate conferences. As a result, the MFGB demanded a living wage and an industry where safety came before profit, where men did not continue to die due to lack of investment and where there was a concern for the wellbeing of the workforce. The MFGB believed these demands could only be achieved if the mining industry was brought into public ownership and run jointly by the workers and the state.

However, there was considerable debate within the MFGB over how this could be realised. Some on the left wing of the movement argued that the coalition government could only be forced to make concessions on work conditions, wages and public ownership by industrial action. Others of more moderate opinion argued that industrial action should be a weapon of last resort and that concessions could be best achieved by constitutional means, including education, campaigning, arbitration and reform through parliament.

After the end of the war, the government was reluctant to demobilise the troops because of industrial unrest and the threat of revolution in Europe.[210] The Ministry of Labour was very concerned that many strikes “have not been taken with the sanction of the trade unions”.[211] Coal was in such short supply that the government was concerned that:

unless the supplies of coal in this country were increased, it was not impossible that there might be a revolution. Even now the spirit of lawlessness was apparent, and no one could say what might happen if, for instance, there was no coal in the East End in December.[212]

There remained a shortage of men working in the pits.  As a result, by mid-December 1918, the war cabinet released 100,000 miners from the armed forces to reduce the immediate threat of scarcity of coal.[213] Most healthy and fit miners returning to the Garw valley had no problem getting their old jobs back, although it would take a while before those who were unwell or injured were re-deployed into suitable work. It is possible that some men and boys, who had only recently been employed, were asked to make way for returning soldiers. However, there was some conflict when, in December 1918, 3,000 miners at the Glamorgan colliery in the Rhondda Valley went on strike in protest against the non-employment of demobilised miners.[214]

The MFGB was determined that demobilised miners would return to an industry with decent pay and work conditions. However, the MFGB was fearful that the coalition government, under Lloyd George, would return the mines to the owners. If this happened, it was expected that the owners would undermine the wages and work conditions that had been established during the war and that wages would again be dependent on the price of coal and local conditions. The MFGB tried to exert pressure on the government to nationalise the mining industry, with Hodges and Smillie at the forefront of this campaign. At an MFGB conference in January 1919, a resolution was moved by SWMF Vice President, James Winstone, seconded by Hodges, which included a statement that argued for a degree of workers’ control:

It is clearly in the national interest to transfer the entire industry from private ownership and control to State ownership, with joint control and administration by the workmen and the State.[215]

The resolution was passed and included a request to the Labour Party to cooperate in ensuring a nationalisation bill would become law. In addition, the MFGB demanded the reinstatement of demobilised miners on full pay and for any displaced miners to be paid an out-of-work allowance equivalent to full pay. They also demanded that miners injured in the war should be provided with rehabilitation and be retrained in a suitable occupation on full pay. In addition, the MFGB demanded a 30 per cent increase in wages and hours to be reduced from an eight to a six-hour day. The demand for a six-hour day was important because it would reduce unemployment among miners returning from the war.[216] All the more remarkable was that these demands fell short of what some districts were calling for. South Wales argued that the increase in wages should be 50 per cent.[217]

On 31 January 1919, representatives of the MFGB met with the Minister of Labour, Sir Robert Horne, who agreed to refer their demands to the Cabinet. On 5 February, Horne informed the MFGB that the government was prepared to offer an increase of one shilling a day but could not accept their demobilisation plans and proposed referring the remaining demands to a Committee of Inquiry. On 12 February, the MFGB Executive submitted the government’s reply to a special conference of the MFGB which rejected the offer and decided to refer the question to a ballot of the whole membership, recommending members vote for strike action.[218] Six years later Hodges recalled that:

Everything was in trim for the most smashing blow that had ever been delivered at the system which had governed the coal industry since its inception.[219]

Government Crisis

To attempt to understand how the ruling class responded to the demand for substantial reform from mining communities, some background information is necessary on how events elsewhere impacted government policy.

It is difficult to overestimate the crisis facing the government in early 1919. There was violence in India and the Middle East and warfare in Ireland. Churchill was prosecuting bloody wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and had sent conscripts to Russia to fight against the Red Army. In early 1919, the shortage of necessities combined with the unmet expectation by millions of troops that there would be immediate demobilisation created an explosive situation. As a result, increasing insubordination resulted in mutinies and strikes at home and abroad which directly challenged ruling-class authority. In a memorandum to the Versailles Conference of 1919, Lloyd George wrote:

Europe is filled with revolutionary ideas. A feeling not of depression, but of passion and revolt reigns in the breasts of the working class against the conditions of life that prevailed before the war. The whole of the existing system, political, social and economic, is regarded with distrust by the whole population of Europe. In some countries, like Germany and Russia, this unrest is leading to open revolt and in others, like France, England and Italy, it is expressed in strikes and in a certain aversion to work. All signs go to show that the striving is as much for social and political changes as for increases in wages.[220]

Mutiny

Immediately after the armistice, protests erupted in the army and navy over the issues of demobilisation, military discipline and drafting to Russia. The protests continued into early 1919 and in some cases developed into outright mutiny as soldiers disobeyed orders, took over bases and even arranged their own demobilisation.

During January and February, some estimates have up to 100,000 men directly or indirectly involved in these disturbances so it is likely the events would have impacted on men from the Garw Valley.[221] The government was concerned that it could no longer rely unconditionally upon the loyalty of its soldiers and sailors, particularly if conscripts were ordered to act against their communities. The government’s greatest fear was that the diminishing deference towards the ruling class could mean Bolshevism would spread to Britain. On 14 January 1919, Churchill circulated a secret memorandum to all commanders of British forces asking whether their forces would serve overseas and particularly in Russia, whether they would serve as strike-breakers, and for details of the soldiers’ attitudes to trade unions.

Strikes

During January and February 1919, serious industrial unrest spread across Britain. On 18 January, 150,000 South Yorkshire miners struck in support of the right of surface workers to take a break for food. As a result, within twenty-four hours the demands of the Yorkshire miners were met by the owners under the instruction of the government’s Coal Controller.[222] During the rest of 1919 and early 1920, the demand for coal remained high and, as a result, it was not unusual for the Coal Controller to rule in favour of the trade unions in disputes with the owners, to avoid strikes and disruption.

In Belfast, on 25 January, shipyard workers, electricians and engineers walked out in defiance of their national leaders, in an unofficial strike demanding a 44-hour week. The demand for a reduction of hours was directly linked to the issue of unemployment facing demobilised soldiers and sailors on their return. Just like the mutinies, the strike appeared to be a spontaneous mass action and this was very menacing to the established order. Within days the city was in the grip of a general strike.[223]

Similarly, in Glasgow, on 27 January, an unofficial general strike led by engineering and shipbuilding shop stewards demanded a reduction in their hours from 57 to 40 a week. This was in opposition to a deal just negotiated by the official trade union leaders of a 47-hour week. Many of the men involved in picketing were identified as ex-servicemen by their army coats.[224]

At the same time, the whole of the nearby coalfields of Fife and Lanarkshire were closed down in an unofficial strike over issues relating to surface men’s shift patterns. The miners quickly linked up with the general strike in Glasgow and escalated their demands to a six-hour day and a minimum wage of five pounds a week. The strike was led by the syndicalist Fife and Lanarkshire URC without the backing of the official leadership. At one point the offices of the Scottish Miners’ Association were occupied by armed strikers who raised the red flag. However, by the 5 February, the strike had collapsed after the official leadership called for a return to work.[225]

In Glasgow, the general strike continued, and the raising of the red flag on a municipal flagpole, followed by rioting, raised concerns about the spread of Bolshevism. At least 10,000 loyal troops were brought in from other districts and backed up by machine guns, armoured cars, field artillery and tanks. The strike came to an end on 11 February when some of the strikers were arrested and imprisoned. The government was happy for the official trade union leadership to step in and the compromise deal of a 47-hour week was agreed. The Belfast men returned to work a few days later on 19 February under similar circumstances.

In the meantime, the strikes had spread to the docks on the Thames, and with the threat of more strikes in the capital’s generating stations, together with the strong likelihood of disruption on the railways, the government felt it was losing control. Many of the strikes were unofficial, a fact that contributed to the atmosphere of insurgency and caused the government serious problems in devising a strategy to deal with the unrest. Tom Jones, Deputy Secretary to the cabinet, wrote to Lloyd George warning that:

Much of the present difficulty springs from the mutiny of the rank and file against the old established leaders [who] no longer represent the more active and agitating minds in the labour movement.[226]

The unrest in other parts of the country indirectly impacted the Garw Valley because the URC had grown in strength and as a result, an upsurge in unrest erupted, leading to 242 strikes in the South Wales valleys during 1919, most of these between January and August and many of them unofficial.[227] In early January, James Winstone, a moderate by the standards of the day, announced at a post-election rally after a disappointing parliamentary election result that:

There is a force rising up in this country that all the forces of darkness will never stem. This crowd, this coalition crowd of capitalists and landlords and their henchmen will be snuffed out as a bit of snowflake before the sun.[228]

In the opinion of Siegfried Owen Davies:

the trade union weapon was the only weapon to contend with the new government.[229]

Men like Davies, Ablett and Cook joined forces with other members of the South Wales URC and young communists like Arthur Horner who was a checkweighman at Maerdy Colliery in the Rhondda. These men had a significant presence at the SWMF delegate conferences and increased their influence on events in the South Wales coalfield through the support they received from newspapers like the Daily Herald, the Workers Dreadnought and the Merthyr Pioneer.

In the early months of 1919, the Daily Herald championed the idea that the industrial power of the working class expressed through a general strike was the key to the transformation of society and for a short period, the paper appeared to abandon the idea of the parliamentary road to socialism. In early February, George Lansbury, the editor of the Daily Herald wrote:

Do none of these Parliamentarians, these preachers of constitutional methods, these finger-shaking pundits, realise that the old world is breaking up under their feet, that a new spirit is moving on the face of the waters, that a new spring is in the air? It is not too much to say that the constitutional method is on its last trial and the sands are running out.[230]

The situation was compounded by severe unrest in the police force when the National Union of Police and Prison Officers threatened to strike for recognition.[231] The rail unions were pressing the government for an eight-hour day, higher wages, a national agreement to standardise wages and nationalisation of the railways.  Meanwhile, unrest continued in the army camps.[232] The government was beginning to panic and could not countenance a nationwide strike in the rail industry or coal industry. The demobilisation protests and strikes created a fear among the ruling class of shadowy and disorderly forces operating within working class communities which they had expected to show deference.[233] Despite having little understanding of the hopes and aspirations of ordinary miners and their families, this fear had a profound impact on government policy towards the mining communities.

Royal Commission

The government could not afford to take any risks and was determined to prevent a national miners’ strike in such an unpredictable environment. As a result, in a very shrewd move, Lloyd George proposed a Royal Commission to investigate the running of the industry and promised that the Commission would be required to present an interim report by 20 March, provided the MFGB called off its threat of a strike.

On 25 February 1919, the results of the miners’ strike ballot were announced and revealed that nationally six to one were in favour of strike action, with 615,164 in favour and 105,082 against.[234] In South Wales it was only three to one in favour of a strike (31322 for a strike and 9356 against) mainly as a result of the two elder statesmen of the SWMF Executive, Tom Richards and William Brace, arguing against strike action.[235] At the International Colliery, 94 were in favour and 24 were against.[236] The next day, on 26 February, miners’ delegates met for a conference to hear a report on the Commission proposal from the MFGB Executive and to discuss the options.

Among the delegates were members of the new generation of young syndicalists such as Cook and Ablett, who had started to influence events locally. However, most members of the MFGB Executive were older men who were cautious moderates accustomed to the language of conciliation and arbitration. William Brace warned:

Starting a war is easy; stopping it once it has started is another matter.[237]

In addition, Smillie and Hodges had recently come under the influence of Sidney and Beatrice Webb from the Fabian Society, who were instrumental in persuading them to accept the offer of a commission.[238] The Fabian Society believed that socialism should be achieved gradually by reform in parliament by the Labour Party and was hostile to syndicalism.[239] As a result, Hodges had now started to move away from the syndicalism of his Welsh colleagues and had become attracted to a form of guild socialism which argued that social transformation could be achieved by constitutional means alone, by gradually democratising the state and introducing joint workers’ control by parliamentary reform. Consequently, he believed he could achieve his aims through negotiation, influence and persuasion in his dealings with the government.

Smillie, at 62 years old, was exhausted and reluctant to commit the MFGB to a major confrontation with the government which could threaten the finances of the MFGB. He was also fearful of the use of state violence against striking miners. He knew that in the past Churchill had sanctioned the use of troops against workers, resulting in deaths. In addition, on 20 March, Bonar Law warned that the government would “use all the resources of the state without the smallest hesitation” to defeat the miners.[240] Hodges later recalled that he and Smillie:

threw in the whole weight of our argument and our influence to get the men and delegates to accept the Royal Commission.[241]

As a result, the Executive persuaded the conference to suspend strike notices, providing the MFGB would be given adequate representation on the Commission.[242] This suited the government and the MFGB leadership, who were both concerned that they could lose control during a nationwide miners’ strike with unknown consequences.

Lord Sankey

The government soon set about establishing a Commission of Inquiry and appointed Sir John Sankey as Chairman.[243] The Commission’s brief was to enquire into many aspects of the coal industry, including health, safety, costs, profits, hours of work and conditions of employment. It was tasked to consider alternative methods for the future conduct of the industry in terms of ownership and control.

Hodges, Smillie and Smith were appointed as the miners’ representatives on the Commission. Sidney Webb, who had helped persuade the MFGB Executive to accept the Commission proposal, also sat on the Commission.[244] The essence of the miners’ case was essentially ethical. Smillie, Hodges and Smith set out to convince the Commission, the public and the government that industrial cooperation was a higher ideal than the greed and clash of interests associated with private enterprise. They argued that the dictates of justice and the right to a living wage and shorter hours were more important than the dictates of the market. William Straker, speaking on behalf of the MFGB, claimed: “That which is morally wrong cannot be economically right”.[245] The miners argued this was directly linked to the issue of public ownership and joint control which they believed would provide the basis of a humane, efficient and prosperous coal industry.

The miners’ representatives concentrated on five main points: (1) a wage advance which would provide a living wage to counter the rise in the cost of living; (2) a reduction of hours on human and social grounds and to reduce unemployment; (3) improvement in housing and social amenities; (4) a limit on the enormous profits made by the colliery owners as was the case during the war; (5) a strategy to deal with the inefficiency of the existing system of production and distribution.[246]

Hodges, Smillie and Smith contrasted the privilege and wealth of the colliery owners and landed gentry, who gained a huge amount of their wealth from profits and royalties, with the poverty faced by mining communities. Smillie cross-examined peers of the realm and other landowners, questioning how they could justify the huge earnings they made from their royalty payments. In particular, the issue of profiteering by the colliery owners during the war created a sense of revulsion among the public, the majority of whom were now convinced by the miners’ case. Beatrice Webb later commented that during the enquiry the colliery owners were completely outclassed by the miners’ leaders and added that the colliery owners had not the remotest inkling of the wider political and social issues. On Hodges’ negotiating skills and eloquence Webb reported:

his extraordinary command of facts and the dexterity with which he marshalled them, his clever cross-examination of hostile witnesses, commanded universal admiration.[247]

The Commission revealed that:

The private ownership and distribution of coal had not merely meant swollen profits wrung out of the low wages paid to the miner and high prices paid by the public, but also had severely hampered the national effort during the war by its inefficiency and wastefulness.[248]

The Commission failed to produce a unanimous report. However, on 20 March 1919, it published three separate interim reports: one by Sankey and the three business representatives, one by the miners and their allies and one by the colliery owners. Sankey’s report, which was the one officially adopted, proposed an increase of two shillings per shift for adults and one shilling for boys and a reduction of the maximum hours from eight to seven, with the aim of reducing the hours to six by 1920.

The report also recommended a levy of one penny a ton on all coal mined to finance educational, welfare and recreational facilities for miners and their communities. In addition, it recommended the colliery owners should receive a maximum profit of one shilling and two pence a ton to make sure the excessive profits made during the war years were not repeated. Sankey also recommended that state control of the mines be continued, pending a full decision on the future of the industry.[249] Sankey’s report added that the present system of ownership was fragmented, inefficient and created recrimination between the colliery owners and the men:

Even upon the evidence already given, the present system of ownership working in the coal industry stands condemned, and some other system must be substituted for it, either nationalisation or a method of unification by national purchase and/or joint control.

It is in the interests of the country that the colliery worker shall in the future have an effective voice in the direction of the mine. For a generation, the colliery worker has been educated socially and technically. The result is a great national asset. Why not use it? [250]

The miners’ representatives on the Commission stuck to their original demands and recommended joint state and workers’ control. The owners, of course, rejected nationalisation and recommended no change to the system of private ownership.

Bonar Law

On the evening of the day on which the Sankey Commission’s reports were issued, Bonar Law, the Tory leader of the House and the real power behind the coalition government, stated in the House of Commons the government’s readiness to accept the proposals contained in the Sankey Report. He made conciliatory gestures to the MFGB, suggesting the issue of nationalisation would remain under review during the second stage of the Commission.

He also intimated that if a miners’ strike took place, the whole resources of the state would be used without hesitation to deal with the emergency.[251] When the MFGB national conference assembled on 21 March, some delegates expressed resentment at Bonar Law’s threat.[252] After considerable discussion and questioning, especially from South Wales, Hodges read the following letter addressed to the Secretary of the MFGB from Bonar Law, dated 21 March 1919 :

Dear Sir, Speaking in the House of Commons last night I made a statement with regard to the Government’s policy in connection with the Report of the Coal Industry Commission. I have pleasure in confirming, as I understand you wish me to do, my statement that the Government are prepared to carry out in the spirit and in the letter the recommendations of Mr Justice Sankey’s Report.[253]

However, at the same time, in private meetings, Bonar Law was assuring the Cabinet he would not be prepared to pass the necessary legislation needed for the nationalisation of the mines.[254] The MFGB conference was convinced by Bonar Law’s assurances and agreed to suspend the strike notices. When it met again on 26 March, the MFGB agreed to organise a ballot on the government’s offer of two shillings per shift for adults and one shilling for boys and a reduction of the maximum hours from eight to seven.[255]

Smillie, Hodges and others on the MFGB Executive argued that the Commission had highlighted that radical social change could be brought about by constitutional means alone and recommended acceptance. This decision was backed by the influential South Wales members on the MFGB Executive, Hartshorne and William Brace. However, some South Wales miners disagreed, and by the end of March, nearly 80,000 South Wales miners were on strike in an unofficial and short-lived protest against the decision to recommend acceptance.[256]

In addition, on 29 and 31 March, in opposition to its leadership, a SWMF delegate conference voted to recommend a rejection of the offer in the ballot.[257]  At the end of March, there was an unofficial stoppage involving 30,000 miners in Nottingham and unofficial strikes in South Yorkshire, the Black Country, Chesterfield, Staffordshire and Warwickshire against acceptance of the Sankey offer.[258]

The national ballot result was announced on 15 April and showed that nationally 693,684 were for and 76,992 against the government’s offer.[259] In the end, South Wales voted for acceptance. In Garw Valley 1,190 were in favour and 96 against; at the International Colliery 614 were in favour and 64 against; at the Garw (Ocean) colliery 546 were in favour and 32 against.[260]

Most of the miners and the whole trade union movement believed that the government had pledged itself to the ending of the private ownership of the coal mines. Consequently, the threat of a national strike was dissipated, to the relief of the government and the majority of the MFGB Executive.  On 24 April 1919, the second stage of the enquiry began and concentrated in more detail on broader issues of policy, in particular, the question of ownership and control.

Local Elections

With the result of the 1918 General Election, the electoral map of Wales shifted in a new direction. The Liberal Party’s dominance in Wales receded and the Labour Party emerged as the major force in Welsh electoral politics. The advances made by the Labour Party in the General election of December 1918 were also reflected in gains across the country for Labour in the local elections that followed. The Labour Party took control of Glamorgan County Council and Ogmore and Garw Urban District Council.

When Fanny Thomas stood in Pontycymmer ward in the April 1919 Ogmore and Gawr Council election as a Labour candidate councillor she topped the poll out of seven candidates and became the first elected Labour woman councillor in Wales. The Glamorgan Gazette said:

Miss Thomas is one of the pioneers in the women’s movement, and the result of the poll is an indication of this new force in public affairs.[261] 

May Day

At a May Day rally, Ted Williams stated that he deeply deplored the actions of the Government in sending British troops to Russia. He went on to argue:

There should be no class, as one man was as good as the other, and the miners in conjunction with the other working classes, were determined to no longer remain in serfdom. He did not wish to have revolution by bloody means, but  the present order of things was not compatible to the nation, and it was time a change was brought about, and private enterprise must be attacked. The miners should have their own system of education, and should possess their own press. [262] 

At the same, Thomas MacNamara, the new Minister of Labour, announced to the government that wage rewards in future should not be based on the cost of living but subject to the laws of the market.[263] Meanwhile, Horne had taken over from Auckland Geddes as President of the Board of Trade and stated the government’s intention to return the coal industry to private ownership in August 1921.[264] In May 1920, the Government took the first step towards decontrol of the mining industry when it decontrolled the inland distribution of coal. In early June, the Government abolished controls on wholesale and retail coal, with the intention that consumers should pay the real cost of the coal they consumed.[265]

On 4 May 1919, Albert Raison an ex-soldier was killed by a fall of 40 tons of earth at Nant -Garw Colliery on the day he returned to work.[266] On 18 May 1919, miners at the Ffaldau colliery walked off the job after the dismissal of one of their colleagues. Ted Williams was keen that the Sankey Commission should be allowed the opportunity to make its recommendations. Consequently, he intervened and persuaded the men to return to work after two days on the condition that the matter was referred to the conciliation board in Cardiff.[267]

On 13 June 1919, the International Colliery workmen decided by a considerable majority to appoint Williams as a full-time secretary and minimum wage representative, a paid post with a salary of about £6 per week.[268]

Ownership and Control

On 15 June, the Government introduced a proposal that it would remain in control of the coal industry until 31 August 1921, when the industry was to be returned to the colliery owners.[269] On 20 June, the Commission published four reports but with no clear majority position. Sankey and the miners recommended nationalisation with differing views on the degree of workers’ control. The miners proposed that management of the mining industry should pass from shareholders and directors to public ownership and be placed, both nationally and locally, as far as possible in the hands of the workers as opposed to a state bureaucracy. The owner’s representatives were for continuing private ownership.[270]

The fourth report produced by Sir Arthur Duckham was a compromise between nationalisation and private ownership and recommended that the collieries should be acquired by district coal boards owned by individual companies and operated with a limit on profits. All four reports proposed abolishing royalties and placing coal distribution in the hands of public bodies.[271]

Meanwhile, the Miners Association of Great Britain (MAGB) which represented the interests of the colliery owners had re-organised itself with substantial funding from the mine owners, set up an office with paid officials and re-elected Evan Williams as the President in a permanent full-time role. The MAGB immediately went on a propaganda offensive against nationalisation. The MAGB was influentially represented in the House of Commons, and a large proportion of the members of the coalition parties had pledged themselves to resist any attempt to introduce nationalisation. The ruling classes did not want to set a precedent which would undermine private enterprise. The government now stated it was not obliged to act on any of the reports.

Keswick Conference

During the MFGB annual conference at Keswick on 16 July, most of the delegates decided on a compromise of accepting the proposals made by Sankey, as opposed to the MFGB scheme, and campaigning for their implementation. However, there was much debate over how the award would be implemented, with concerns expressed on how hours reduction would impact piece rates, and the failure to include surface workers in the award. Surface workers were already on an unofficial strike over the issue in South Wales, where many pits were at a standstill. Hartshorne, Brace Richards and other members of the Executive appealed to them to return to work and campaigned against the influence of the URC within the SWMF, but this only resulted in widespread unofficial activity.

A new MFGB Executive was appointed at the conference, most members of which were still of moderate views and in their fifties and sixties. These men were anxious to avoid any conflict and were fearful of a government that in the words of Smillie was prepared “to shoot down our people”.[272]

However, the Executive made it clear that whatever its internal differences over the use of the strike as a weapon of last resort, it remained committed to constitutional means to achieve the implementation of Sankey’s proposals.[273] As far as the rank-and-file miners were concerned, the opportunity to consolidate their power by using their industrial muscle appeared to be slipping away. Hodges told the Daily Herald on 31 July 1919:

the marvel is that the whole of the miners of this country were not on strike on Monday of this week. Only a few men realised how near we were to a general stoppage.[274]

Deception

Despite Bonar Law’s seemingly unequivocal statement that the Government accepted the Coal Commission report, including nationalisation, “in the spirit and in the letter”, the Cabinet was deeply divided over the nationalisation issue, the majority, including Lloyd George, being against it. However, the government played for time, waiting until it was clear that the current unrest among the police had been contained and that among the armed forces had evaporated. The announcement of the rejection of nationalisation was held over until 18 August 1919 when, in a scandalous breach of faith, Lloyd George issued a statement that the government would not commit itself to nationalisation in any form.[275] He announced that they intended to hand the coal industry back into private ownership in August 1921 and said:

Friends and many outside seem to assume that when a Government appoints a Commission, it is in honour bound to accept all its recommendations and to put them into operation. I never heard of that doctrine in the whole history of the House of Commons.[276]

The MFGB was appalled by this decision and Hartshorne, in his role as an SWMF representative on the MFGB Executive, summed up the views of the miners of the country when he said: “We have been deceived, betrayed, duped”.[277]  Despite this, Hartshorne, still nervous of the consequences of industrial action in the current politically charged climate, warned that in the event of a Triple Alliance strike:

within a week or ten days, revolutionary conditions will have developed in this country to the extent that nobody will be able to control the situation.[278]

As a result, at its conference on 3 September 1919, the MFGB resolved to avoid industrial action but to immediately seek the help of the broader trade union movement, including the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the Triple Alliance, to campaign politically for the implementation of the Commission’s recommendations. It is possible that most on the MFGB Executive were so overwhelmed by the moral power of their arguments that they still believed that they could win by constitutional means alone and continued to argue against any form of industrial action to force through their demands. The miners presented their case to the TUC conference the following week and gained near-unanimous support for their campaign, but with no commitment to solidarity industrial action.[279] The government continued to make it clear to all concerned that under no circumstances would it consider nationalising the mines.

Consequently, the main result of the Sankey Commission was to defuse the potential for a general strike involving the Triple Alliance, which Lloyd George feared would be a direct challenge to the authority of parliament. The only immediate result was a seven-hour day which was imposed by an Act of Parliament passed on 15 August, while the wage advance was wiped out by the increasing cost of living.

Railway Strike

One consequence of this was that many rank-and-file miners and workers in other industries gave up on relying on politicians. During 1919, there was an extraordinary number of strikes, amounting to 34,969,000 days lost, which averaged out to 100,000 workers on strike every day of the year. More than one in five of these strikes were in the nation’s coalfields, and most were unofficial.[280]

In September 1919, ASLEF and NUR called a railway strike in response to government plans to reduce the rates of pay which had been negotiated during the First World War. The rail strike began at midnight on 26 September and involved a formidable display of solidarity between the drivers and firemen from ASLEF and other grades from the NUR. A key feeling during the strike was that the government had not acknowledged sacrifices made during the war. In the words of NUR General Secretary, Jimmy Thomas:

the short issue is that the long-made promise of a better world for railwaymen which was made in the time of the nation’s crisis, and accepted by the railwaymen as an offer that would ultimately bear fruit, has not materialised .[281]

A veiled threat of the use of the Triple Alliance impacted the government’s response to the strike. The government was so nervous that 23,000 troops were mobilised and sent to all the industrial centres, where machine gun posts were set up at strategic points.

The Western Mail reported that some miners in the Garw valley were keen to join the strike while at some of the collieries near Kenfig Hill, the miners refused to stack coal at the colliery pit head due to the lack of transport to take it away.[282] After nine days of strike action, the government agreed to maintain wages for another year. Subsequent negotiations resulted in the standardisation of wages across the railway, a national agreement with a national wages board and the introduction of a maximum eight-hour day.

Photo 26: NUR poster.

It appeared to the miners that the government was happy to reward the railway workers with a national agreement but would not respond to similar demands from them. Also, it highlighted that industrial action can produce quick results.  On Tuesday 12 October, a strike of 900 men at the Ton Philip colliery in Kenfig Hill walked out on strike over the victimisation of a worker. The matter was resolved to their satisfaction after the intervention of Ted Williams and the men returned to work the next day.[283]

Municipal Socialism

The Labour Party had failed to alter the course of events at a national level but locally it was continuing to have an impact where the development of municipal socialism was able to improve the lives of working-class people. In October 1919 a vacancy arose on the Pontycymmer on the Ogmore and Gawr Council and John Williams was chosen as the Labour Party candidate. On 28 0ctober Fanny Thomas presided over a meeting of women in Pontycymmer to hear the views of Williams on housing and its relationship to the role of women and domestic life. The Glamorgan Gazette reported that Thomas spoke first and gave her support for a plan to establish a local municipal laundry. In his address, Williams:

maintained that the District Council should devote its energies towards those questions which would tend to abolish all needless domestic drudgery, and thus raise the standard of comfort for their women folk. He was a firm believer in shorter hours for men but why not shorter hours for women? He would do all he could to make the conditions of home life more pleasant, to give their women more leisure to enjoy the higher pursuits of life.[284]

The result of the election was announced on 7 November with Williams receiving 389 votes while his opponent an independent candidate received 142 votes.[285]

Margaret Evans

In May 1920, Williams married Margaret Jane Evans who was born in 1895 on a farm near Gwynfe in Wales. Her father was a sheep farmer, and both her mother and father were Welsh speakers. Margaret spoke both English and Welsh, but Welsh was her primary language. As a teenager, she worked on the farm helping her father out with his flock of sheep. When she was about fifteen, she moved to Llandeilo to take up studies as a student.

The couple then moved into 47 Blaengarw Road to live together. Williams’s mother carried on living with Emlyn and Minnie who was now married with a daughter. Emlyn was now also working at the International Colliery. 

Direct Action

John Williams’s main focus continued to be the industrial struggle and he joined Ted Williams and Richard Thomas who was now the President of the Garw district of the SWMF, speaking at meetings of miners as part of the campaign for public ownership of the mines and wage increases to counter the rise in inflation.[286] In January 1920, Ted Williams was nominated to be a parliamentary candidate for the Labour Party for Pontypridd but withdrew his name adding that he would better serve the interests of the workers by concentrating on industrial concerns.[287]

The influence of industrial unionism meant that the SWMF entered into negotiations with the South Wales Colliery Enginemen, Stokers and Craftsmen Association (SWCESCA) to consider the question of their amalgamation or the absorption of into the Federation. Ted Williams argued that:

He was hopeful that an arrangement would be arrived at which remove all the craft bickering in the mining industry. The executive council, he added. were also endeavouring to come to an arrangement with the National Union of Clerks.[288] 

Cost of Living

The cost of living index continued to rise and by February 1920 reached 130 per cent above pre-war levels.[289] As a result, miners focused their attention on their living standards. On the question of wages Ted Williams said:

All talk about reducing the cost of living while there was an inflation of the currency with bank amalgamation and monopoly in industry, was like grasping for the moon. The only immediate solution was to increase wages and salaries.

On 12 March, the day after the TUC had rejected a call by the MFGB for industrial action in support of nationalisation, the MFGB put in a claim for an extra three shillings a shift. On March 29 the government offered two shillings a shift and as a result, an MFGB conference decided to call a ballot on industrial action in support of the MFGB claim. The results of the ballot were announced in mid-April resulting in 442,704 for acceptance and 377,569 for strike action so a strike was averted.[290]

South Wales was one of the districts voting for strike action and unofficial actions continued across the coalfield.[291]  On 2 March 1920 miners went on strike in the Garw valley over the issue of the eviction of one of their fellow workers, John Watts, and his family. The miners and their families marched to Porthcawl and held an open-air demonstration. When they returned to Bridgend, it was announced that Watts would be allowed to return to his house.[292]

New Wage Demand

Miners’ earnings were just keeping up with the increase in the cost of living. Nationally the figures revealed that, by July 1920, the cost of living had reached 152 per cent above the pre-war level and peaked at 164 per cent by the end of the summer.[293] For many miners, the issue of earnings had now become a pressing priority, and as a result, on 10 June an MFGB delegate conference decided to make a fresh wage demand. At its annual conference on 6 July, delegates considered proposals by the MFGB Executive for a claim for an increase of two shillings per shift.

On 15 July, the MFGB presented its claim to the government. However, the government was adamant in resisting the claim but hinted that a higher wage could be granted if the increase was linked to higher output.  In the end, the conference on 12 August agreed to organise a ballot on the issue, with a recommendation to vote for a strike in support of their original demand.

Nationally, the figures were 845,647 in favour of a strike with 238,865 against, meaning the two-thirds majority in favour of strike action required by the MFGB to call a strike was exceeded. As a result, notices were tendered to strike on 25 September.[294]

Warning to Miners

In mid-August 1920, the Cabinet decided to resurrect the emergency statutory powers enacted during World War One to deal with industrial action and on 17 August 1920, a Cabinet meeting instructed the Treasury:

to regard the situation arising out of a big industrial crisis, such as was threatened by an impending coal strike, as comparable to a state of war.[295]

The Cabinet authorised the Treasury to make financial provisions accordingly and Lloyd George announced that:

If a Trade Union attempts to usurp the function committed to government by the whole body of the people, such a claim must be unhesitatingly resisted.[296]

Consequently, Lloyd George persuaded the MFGB to suspend the strike notices for a week to meet with the colliery owners behind closed doors in another attempt to thrash out an agreement which linked wages to output. The owners made an offer of one shilling a day and added that any wage increase should be contingent on an increase in output beyond an agreed figure or datum line.   On Friday 1 October an MFGB delegate conference agreed to suspend strike notices for another fortnight to organise a ballot on the new offer.[297]

On 2 October 1920, hauliers at Ffaldau Colliery walked out on strike over the company’s failure to implement their Sankey award with backpay resulting in 1000 men having to stop work.[298] Although the disputes committee had agreed to pay the hauliers the Sankey award in January the company had refused to pay their full back pay. After one week of strike action, the company agreed to pay the back pay.

Another dispute at Ffaldau Colliery immediately followed because the hauliers had demanded a haulage contract to bring their pay in line with other pits in the Garw valley. Having been on strike for a week over the Sankey award the hauliers were refused permission to return to work unless they accepted the terms of the old contract.  As a result, five thousand miners in the Garw valley walked out on a solidarity strike in protest at the action of the Ffaldau Colliery Company towards the hauliers. In the end, an agreement was reached after the intervention of the Coal Controller’s department which insisted the company pay the increased rates of pay defined by the new contract.[299]

The results of the ballot on the national productivity deal were announced on Thursday 14 October, revealing that nationally 78 per cent were against the offer, with 635,098 votes against and 181,428 for the offer The MFGB Executive had no choice but to issue strike notices.[300]

For many young militants influenced by syndicalism, the prospect of a national strike in the mines created the possibility of revolutionary social and economic transformation in society. Just like many young workers in South Wales, Williams was inspired by the Russian Revolution. One of the consequences of the revolution was the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in July 1920, which brought together some of the militants in the South Wales coalfield and from the BSP. Initially, the main base for the CPGB was in the Rhondda and there is no newspaper record of a branch in the Garw valley until 1924.[301]  However, the ruling classes were fearful and in September 1920. Lloyd George wrote to Bonar Law:

If the working classes are united against us, the outlook is grave and the gravity would be intensified if what I call intellectual liberalism unites with Labour against us. The great struggle which is coming must not be partisan. I have been thinking a good deal about the situation here, and I have become more and more convinced that the time has arrived for coming to grips with the conspiracy which is seeking to utilise Labour for the purpose of overthrowing the existing organisation of the time. This opportunity will show itself over the miners’ demand. I think it would be a mistake if the fight had come sooner – the nation had not settled down, and the restlessness which affected the heart, the nerve and the blood of the people, was a dangerous element which it is well we should have given time to quiet. Now is the acceptable moment for putting everything to the test. We must show Labour that the Government mean to be masters.[302]

At about the same time, Ted Williams reported to the Western Mail that:

The miners are in for the fight of their lives. As far as could see, there was no way out, in view of the Government’s attitude, but judging the position shown in the sensational second ballot he was convinced that the miners would fight with irresistible determination.[303]

On Saturday 16 October 1920, one million British miners went on strike and in the Garw valley the strike was solid.  On Wednesday 20 October, a delegate conference of the NUR agreed that, unless the MFGB claims were granted or negotiations resumed by Saturday, October 23, its Executive would instruct its members to cease work. This decision was conveyed to the MFGB Executive at its meeting held on 23 October.

The government was panicked by the threat of the use of the Triple Alliance and immediately sent a letter to the MFGB asking to restart negotiations but at the same time prepared to rush the Emergency Powers Bill through parliament. The MFGB Executive agreed to ask the NUR to postpone its solidarity strike and representatives of the MFGB Executive met Lloyd George on Sunday 24 October, and by 28 October had come up with a provisional settlement.[304] This deal included an advance of two shillings a shift until January 1921 and, thenceforth, an increase or decrease in additional wages contingent on an increase or decrease in national output and the price of exports beyond or below a basic amount or ‘datum line’.[305] The scheme would continue until a National Wage Board made up of worker and owner representatives, met and reported on a permanent solution to the wages by 31 March 1921. 

Wages and Output

Hodges was instrumental in brokering this complex deal but was criticised by delegates from South Wales for promoting a deal which few could understand and which linked wages to the price of coal.  Most members of the MFGB Executive believed that the National Wage Board would provide a forum to negotiate a national and permanent settlement on wages and conditions, something the MFGB had been campaigning for since its formation in 1888. As a result, the MFGB Executive organised another ballot but advised a return to work and an acceptance of the government’s offer.

In the resulting ballot, a small majority voted in favour of continuing the strike, less than the two-thirds majority required to carry on with the strike, so an MFGB delegate conference agreed to accept the government’s terms. After seventeen days on strike, the men returned to work. The SWMF was expected to meet with the colliery owners and establish a Joint Output Committee to monitor the levels of production. However, the ballots showed that in some districts there was a deep hostility to any arrangement under which wages were related to output.[306] At a meeting in Kenfig Hill on 31 October addressed by Ted Williams, a resolution was passed expressing disgust at the action of the MFGF Executive in negotiating the productivity deal which had brought back memories of the sliding scale.[307]

In October 1920, the SWCESCA voted to amalgamate with the SWMF.[308] This was an important development towards industrial unionism. It strengthened the power of the SWMF enabling it to pull out all sections of the workforce excluding those in a supervisory role. The SWCESCA members included banksmen, stokers and pumpmen and they were crucial in getting men, materials and coal in and out of the colliery and operating the pumps to prevent flooding. If these men joined a strike this would put extra pressure on management to settle the dispute quickly. 

Emergency Powers Act

However, the fundamental outstanding issue of the ownership of the mines remained unresolved. The continued industrial conflict in the coalfields convinced Lloyd George that the decisive struggle foreseen in 1919 had not been resolved.  The government was now merely playing for time. The Triple Alliance had met repeatedly since the end of the war and passed several resolutions, but it had engaged in no specific action. Still, its mere existence and the threat that it would one day use its potential strength impacted government policy and preparations were made to stockpile coal and open negotiations to import coal from abroad, if necessary.

On 28 October 1920, in readiness for war with the British working class, parliament passed the Emergency Powers Act which made permanent the dictatorial powers the government already possessed under the wartime Defence of the Realm Act.[309]

The monthly meeting of the Garw District of the SWMF was held at Bridgend on 15 November with Richard Thomas presiding.  Ted Williams, complimented the miners upon the fine spirit of solidarity displayed in carrying through the strike. He pointed out that they had not yet solved the difficulty which had caused the stoppage. He warned that if the men were asked to be involved in output committees, then no settlement of the grievances of the men would be possible.[310]

On 3 January 1921, there was a lightning strike of 110 men employed at the Park Slip Colliery, in Tondo. The miners were protesting against the introduction of a new rule at the colliery which implemented the use of time-boards on the coal face which had to be returned at the end of their shifts marked with the time worked. The men contend that the introduction of any new regulation except by mutual agreement or reference to the Disputes Committee of the Conciliation Board was a breach of the Conciliation Board agreement. Ted Williams, addressed a meeting of the men and obtained an agreement from the managers that the issue of time-boards should be suspended until the matter had been fully discussed. The men returned to work in the afternoon.[311] 

1921 Lockout

In 1921, the SWMF delegates on the MFGB Executive were Arthur Cook, Noah Ablett and Tom Richards and they soon had to face up to and respond to a crisis of enormous magnitude. At the beginning of 1921 large quantities of German reparations coal entered the European market and undermined the British export trade. In addition, British coal had to compete with cheaper American coal.[312] The loss of export markets severely impacted the steam coal collieries such as those in the north of the Garw valley resulting in the introduction of short-time working in January 1921.[313]

The response from the government and the colliery owners to the developing depression in the coal trade was to attempt to radically reduce labour costs.  In April 1921, the government handed the wartime control of the industry back to the colliery owners who insisted on a return to district agreements which meant draconian cuts to miners’ wages, particularly those from the less productive districts. The miners refused to accept this and on 31 March 1921, one million British miners, including many war veterans, were locked out of their pits. The MFGB Executive decided to seek the aid of the Triple Alliance and a week later the main transport and rail unions gave a commitment they would call a nationwide strike of their members in solidarity.

The miners’ families and their supporters in the Garw valley immediately set up relief committees and soup kitchens to feed the children. Despite their insistence on controlling the relief effort, the miners were careful to ensure that all sections of the community were represented on the various distress and canteen committees.  At Pontycymmer, both the central canteen committee’s chairman and secretary were religious leaders. This helped ensure that all possible resources were tapped, and it associated the miners’ struggle with the wider community.[314] 

Safety men

In the past, it was normal that during a strike an agreed number of craftsmen would continue to work to prevent any long-term damage to the collieries. These men were called safety men and included pumpmen and stokers to operate the boilers which provided steam power for the pumps to prevent flooding. Men were also required to inspect the timbers to minimise falls of rock. At the start of the lockout, the MFGB Executive agreed by ten votes to eight that MFGB members who were safety men should refuse to work and so members of the SWCESCA, now part of the SWMF, were locked out too.[315]

The Garw miners solidly supported the strike, there was no blacklegging among SWMF members and the Garw union officials refused to draw a wage during the lockout.[316] However, across South Wales members of some of the other smaller craft unions including the South Wales and Monmouth Colliery Winding Enginemen`s Association, the Colliery Examiners Association representing deputies and overmen (who were responsible for a district of a colliery and the supervision men working in it) and the Colliery Clerks Association took over the safety work. Their presence in the pits led to resentment in the Garw valley. A mass meeting of Garw miners was held in Pontcymmer on Monday 11 April with Thomas and Williams on the platform. The meeting passed a motion:

To hold a public demonstration against the employment of officials as pumpmen and stokers on Wednesday this week.[317]

On Saturday 9 April, the government met with the Triple Alliance leaders and insisted that the safety men must be allowed to work unhindered before any negotiations could begin.  Hodges and the MFGB Executive gave an assurance to the government that the work of the safety men would not be threatened. Consequently, on Sunday 10 April, Hodges issued a telegraph to all districts instructing union members to allow pumping operations at the collieries to continue and insisting they refrain from interfering with the work of the safety men.

On 13 April, a large crowd of miners and their families were about to set off with a brass band leading the way with the intention of visiting all the collieries in the Garw valley to bring out the safety officials. Ted Williams arrived before they set off and successfully appealed to them to abide by the decision of the MFGB that officials should be allowed to work.[318] The procession took place but there was no attempt to interfere with working officials.[319]

Black Friday

The MFGB had been assured of a solidarity strike by the rail and transport mining unions. However, after Hodges hinted he was willing to compromise to end the lockout, solidarity action was called off by the leaders of the transport and rail unions whose taste for industrial action had diminished with the negotiation of satisfactory settlements in their industries. The event came to be known as Black Friday and, for rank-and-file miners, symbolised betrayal by the leaders of the main trade unions. The miners were left to fight alone.

On 18 April meetings were held throughout South Wales to review tactics in the aftermath of Black Friday and the collapse of the Triple Alliance. A meeting of Garw miners recommended withdrawing all safety men from the mines and a resolution was passed calling for the resignation of Frank Hodges.[320] As a result of pressure from most of the districts including Garw, the SWMF Executive Council recommended that all safety men be withdrawn.[321] The policy was readily endorsed by an SWMF coalfield conference two days later.[322]  However, the policy did not get the support of Hodges and the MFGB Executive and so was not carried out.

Outcropping

John Williams toured the district organising and speaking at meetings with Ted Williams. One of the activities causing problems for the union was that some miners were involved in outcropping. This involved digging coal out by hand from the areas where the seams were close to the surface.  Outcropping was common during miners’ strikes. The SWMF was not concerned if the coal, which was usually of poor quality, was for the miners’ use or was sold for a small amount of extra cash to buy food.

However, sometimes the activity was organised on an industrial scale. If this was the case, most miners on strike could not allow a few to take financial advantage of the situation and so the SWMF demonstrations were organised to close them down. In one case Ted Williams took charge of a horse and cart full of coal mined from an outcrop and gave it to women who needed coal for the communal soup kitchens.[323] In another case, dynamite stolen from a local colliery was used to blow up a bridge used by a commercial outcropping concern.[324]

At the end of June, the MFGB organised a national ballot on continuing the strike. The result was announced on Saturday 18 June, resulting in a majority in favour of staying out with 180,724 in favour of accepting the colliery owners’ terms and 435,614 in favour of continuing the fight.[325] The majority of South Wales miners including the miners at the International Colliery voted to stay out on strike.[326]

The rules of the MFGB were ambiguous, as it was unclear if they required a two-thirds majority of the votes cast or of the total membership to continue the strike. This was the case in the first instance, but not in the second. As a result, the MFGB was split over how to proceed, with Ablett and Cook arguing that the Executive should accept the result and intensify the campaign. However, Hodges and the majority of the MFGB Executive argued that they had no choice but to accept the terms offered by the government and colliery owners.

The lockout ended on 1 July 1921, after 14 weeks, when the MFGB Executive instructed its members to return to work. The miners in the Garw valley returned to work demoralised and defeated with many only working part-time and others unemployed. At a mass meeting of Garw miners on 1 July Ted Williams was critical of the MFGB Executive for calling off the strike without another ballot. The Glamorgan Advertiser reported that he said:

The miners had fought one of the greatest industrial struggles in history and had failed against tremendous odds. The causes of the defeat of the men were – general apathy in the Labour movement, misrepresentation by the Press, abuse by the public, and the deceit of their own leaders. The last was the greatest disadvantage of all. The leaders had no right to usurp democratic power and dictate what the rank and file should do. The miners had expressed their opinion by ballot.

It was, he said, regrettable that having fought so valiantly the miners had to resume work on terms which did not guarantee a standard of living in relation to the cost of living equal to that of 1914. If that was the pass they had come to after a war which was said would make the world safe for democracy, he thought it was evident that it would be difficult to get fighters for the wars of the future. Still, it was now a foregone conclusion that the men would have to go to work on Monday.

He asked the men to remember that capital met labour in the mass, and the individual worker had no hope of preserving himself as a unit unless he united himself with his fellow workers in mass formation.[327]

The consequences for miners, their families, and the whole community in the Garw valley were brutal.  Mining trade unions in most mining districts were faced with debt and loss of membership as the colliery owners imposed their draconian cuts. Many miners across the country, including ex-servicemen, were thrown onto the dole.

In April 1921 about 4100 miners were employed in the pits in the Garw valley but now in September 3,050 were employed with 1110 miners registered as unemployed.[328] In South Wales over 50,000 men were now permanently unemployed and about 100,000 were working short time.[329] On 3 October Williams addressed a mass meeting of the unemployed at the Ffaldau Institute and it was decided to form a distress Committee to campaign for work for the unemployed on the roads and new reservoirs.[330]

The 1921 lockout was the realisation of a long-expected confrontation between the working class and its enemies. The struggle in 1921 was as much about dignity, status and independence as about wages and hours. The introduction of district wage agreements which linked miners’ wages to the productivity of their local pits meant miners’ lives were again to be governed by the vagaries of the unpredictable market, the price of coal, the profitability of their pits and the impersonal laws of supply and demand which was effectively a sliding scale over which miners had little control.

John Williams and Ted Williams must have been devasted after this defeat. Many of their fellow miners had returned from the war believing there could be a land fit for heroes. These hopes had now been shattered.  Somehow, they had to pick themselves up to try to get their union back on its feet.[331]

Forest of Dean

The events leading up to the conflict and how they played out nationally and in the Forest of Dean are discussed in detail in Ian Wright, God’s Beautiful Sunshine, The 1921 Lockout in the Forest of Dean (Bristol: BRHG, 2020).  The Forest men also argued that they should stay out to the bitter end, but just like the miners in the Garw Valley were forced to swallow the bitter pill of defeat. The Forest of Dean Miners’ Association was left massively in debt, owing over £27,000 in credit coupons to local retailers. It had to accept a deal that involved wages being cut in half and a return to district agreements which left them far worse off in real terms than in 1914.[332]

Herbert Booth, the agent for the FDMA, had sought to represent the Forest miners as best he could and accepted the mandate from the men that they should stay out to the bitter end. After the strike, in early 1922, he stood down and returned to his native Nottinghamshire. The FDMA Executive advertised for a new agent and one of the men who applied for the vacant post was John Williams.

In 1922, at the age of 32, Williams was selected for the paid post of agent for the FDMA. There were 58 applications and the FDMA Executive decided on a shortlist of four. On 6 May each candidate gave a presentation to 150 representatives of the various FDMA lodges and pit committees at Wesley Hall in Cinderford. Williams received the largest number of votes and the Dean Forest Mercury reported that “by his record eminently fitted for this responsible post for which he has been selected”.[333] The job description included the day-to-day running of the FDMA, dealing with disputes, legal cases and negotiations with the colliery owners as well as representing the FDMA at a national level within the MFGB.

On arriving in the Forest in May, Williams and his family moved into 52 Belle Vue Road, Cinderford, which became the union office. Margaret had just given birth to their son, Dennis, who was born in March 1922. It must have been difficult at first for Margaret as she had to get used to speaking English and learning to understand the strong Forest dialect. However, she found a role for herself outside of her domestic life with unpaid secretarial work helping her husband with his trade union duties.

When Williams arrived in Cinderford, ten months after the end of the lockout, he found the FDMA in a state of disarray. He also encountered a coalfield where the conditions and rates of pay were among the worst in the country. In addition, he found out that local custom and practice meant that the systems of working were very different from the Garw valley and this had a significant impact on industrial relations in the coalfield.  

One of the main obstacles Williams found upon arriving in the Forest was that, after the 1921 lockout, the majority of the FDMA Executive were demoralised and had little stomach for industrial action. Many miners in the coalfield just felt lucky they still had a job. The defeat weighed heavily on the whole community. Frank Joynes expressed his bitterness thus:

During the 1921 strike, we got no pay, no money, nothing. Thirteen weeks we were out, and at the end of it, I had nothing. Nothing, nothing![334] 

Williams discovered that there were only 1,300 men in the FDMA out of a workforce of nearly 7,000. He was even more shocked when he found out the conditions the miners were working under in Forest pits. In addition, some of the house coal collieries were only working one or two days a week and the minimum wage for a skilled hewer was only 7s 9d a shift, with surface workers and trammers getting about 5s a shift.[335] Along with Bristol, this was the lowest rate in the country. In contrast, in January 1922, the rate for a skilled hewer in Nottingham was 17s 4d, although this rate would be reduced to about 12s by the summer as the depression deepened.[336] In his statement to R Page Arnot in November 1961 Williams said:

I commenced my duties as Miners’ Agent in the Forest of Dean on 12 May 1922. I doubt if I would have taken the job on if I had known the conditions which existed here at that time. Mr Frank Hodges warned in a mild way that the affairs of the Union in this district were not good. I soon found out how bad things were here. The Executive of the union had contracted a debt of twenty-four thousand pounds arising out of the 1921 strike. The miners were demoralised. I found myself in a strange world. I came from a coalfield where the miners were active and militant. Here the coal owners exercised tremendous influence in the union. I could not understand this state of affairs, and as the months went by, I became very depressed.  The conditions under which the miners worked was truly appalling. The wages in this coalfield were the lowest in the country. I found men working at the pit-top for four shillings a day at one colliery.[337]

In some respects, Williams’s assessment of the militancy of the Forest miners and the state of the union was unfair. During the First World War, a small number of younger men had gained positions on the FDMA Executive and argued against the policies of moderation and conciliation which had been pursued by their predecessors. They were determined that the men returning from the war would have ‘a land fit for heroes’.[338]  

An account of what hapned next iwill be available in a book published by BRHG in the summer. This book will explore the role Williams played in national and labour politics after he was appointed the full-time trade union official for the miners’ union in the Forest of Dean in 1922. In particular, it will describe events in the Forest of Dean leading up to, during and after the 1926 general strike and the nine-month miners’ lockout and the consequences of the defeat.

[1] A summary of the findings of the Commission of Enquiry into Industrial Unrest, No. 7 Division, Report of the Commissioners for Wales, including Monmouthshire (London: HMSO, 1917) in Barry Supple, The History of the British Coal Industry, Volume 4,1913–1946: The Political Economy of Coal (Oxford: Clarendon, 1987) 104-105.

[2] When Dai Francis, General Secretary of the SWMF 1963–1976, visited Williams (age 75) in Cinderford in 1963 they spoke to each other in Welsh.

[3] A hewer is a man who cuts coal and removes it from the coal face. This was one of the most dangerous jobs in coal mines. The normal procedure for hewers was to cut a slot in the base of the coal seam so that coal would drop, or be coerced into dropping, down under gravity. The roof immediately above the coal was also liable to fall. Hewers, being in the vicinity of this activity, were often killed by accidental falls of coal or stone.

[4] Inspector of Mines.

5] Ray Lawrence, The Coal Workings of the Garw Valley, (Blackwood: Ray Lawrence, 2012).

[6] Colin Davies in http://www.garwheritage.co.uk/wordpress/?p=2014 and http://www.garwheritage.co.uk/wordpress/?p=3165

[7] 1901 Census, Ancestry.

[8] Sue Bruley, The Women and Men of 1926 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2011), Carole White and Sian Rhiannon Williams (Editors), Struggle or Starve, Women’s Lives in the South Wales Valleys between the two World Wars (Powys: Honno, 2002) and Angela V. John (Editor) Our Mothers’ Land: Chapters in Welsh Women’s History, 1830-1939 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2011).

[9] Ryland Wallace, A Doughty Warrior in the Women’s Cause: Fannie Margaret Thomas of Pontycym

er, Llafur, 2018, Volume 12, No. 3. 58-87. As a result of the huge influx of children into the area, Ffaldau infants’ school was divided into a separate boys’ and girls’ school. In 1908, the Ffaldau Girls’ School was established with Thomas as headmistress.

[10] The sliding scale established a standard wage rate based on the level of the wages paid in 1879 plus five

percent. The equivalent selling price of coal was fixed at twelve shillings per ton for steam coal and eleven shillings per ton for house coal. A rise in the selling price of coal above the standard would convert to an agreed percentage increase in wages above the standard.

[11] Every year each district selected their representatives by a ballot of candidates giving about ten employee representatives on the sliding scale committee with Mabon acting as chair and two of the employer representatives as vice chair and secretary. Advances and reduction in the percentage were determined by a bimonthly audit by the sliding scale committee.

[12] The hauliers were the men or boys who worked underground with the horses who pulled the drams of coal back to the pit bottom. They were paid a day wage and earned less than the hewers.

[13] Richard Griffiths, The Entrepreneurial Society of the Rhondda Valleys, 1840-1920, Power and Influence in the Porth-Pontypridd Region (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2010): Chapter 11, The 1893 Hauliers’ Strike.

[14] South Wales Daily News 25 August 1893.

[15] John Williams Interview with R. Page Arnot 18 October 1961, Richard Burton Archives.

[16] The Cardiff Times 9 September 1893.

[17] Glamorgan Gazette 13 April 1894.

[18] Cardiff Times 2 April 1898.

[19] South Wales Echo 31 March 1898.

[20] Glamorgan Gazette 19 August 1904.

[21] South Wales Daily News 28 February 1899.

[22] Ibid.

[23] http://ww.dmm.org.uk/colliery/i206.htm

[24] John Williams interview with R. Page Arnot on 25 July 1963, Richard Burton Archives. Glamorgan Gazette 20 January 1905.

[25] For a in depth discussion of how socialists related to Welsh national identity during this period how and the processes through which the universalist ideals of socialism were related to the particular and local conditions in Wales see Martin Wright, Wales and Socialism, Political Culture and National Identity c. 1880-1914, Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Cardiff University, 2011.

[26] These were Thomas Burt and Alexander McDonald. Then in 1880, they were joined in the Commons by the secretary of the TUC’s parliamentary committee, Henry Broadhurst. By 1885, the number of Lib-Lab MPs had risen to twelve and between them they acted as a defined group, taking collective action on a range of labour issues, from a campaign to introduce an eight-hour working day for miners to questioning the use of police and troops in industrial disputes.

[27] Hyndham was from a wealthy background and had a complex political philosophy that was rooted in radical Toryism and an economic determinist interpretation of Marxism which gave little agency to working class people or their lived experience. In 1884 there was disagreement within the SDF about the best way to achieve their aims.  Hyndman favoured using the parliamentary structures to achieve change but other members of the SDF were against this arguing that Hyndman was opportunistic and obsessed with parliamentary politics and nationalism to the detriment of trade union organisation. As a result, the SDF split with many members following William Morris to form the Socialist League.

[28] The ILP was affiliated to the Labour Party from 1906 to 1932, when it voted to leave.

[29] Glamorgan Gazette 2 April 1897.

[30] Glamorgan Gazette 9 April 1897.

[31] The Fabian Society which was founded in 1884 was a socialist organisation that argued for gradual reform through reason and persuasion rather than class struggle. It tended to attract upper and middle-class reformers and did not have much success recruiting members in the mining communities in the South Wales valleys. It advocated a form of state socialism based on social engineering.

[32] Wright, Wales and Socialism, Chapter 3 South Wales and the ILP Ascendancy.

[33] Kenneth O Morgan, Democratic Politics in Glamorgan 1884-1914, Glamorgan Local History Society, Vol 4 (1960) 23.

[34] Labour Leader 30 September 1904.

[35] Hartley founded a new SDF branch in Bradford, in 1904, and was elected to the SDF’s executive for seven years. Yet he remained part of the ILP group on Bradford Council and was re-elected on the ILP ticket in Bradford Moor in 1905. Hartley stood for the SDF in Bradford East at the 1906 general election where he held joint meetings with Fred Jowett, the Labour Party candidate for Bradford West and secured the support of the local ILP. He won 22.8% of the vote but failed to win the election.

[36] Labour Leader 28 October 1904.

[37] Glamorgan Gazette 14 October 1904.

[38] Western Mail 7 October 1904.

[39] Glamorgan Gazette 2 December 1904.

[40] Merthyr Express 31 December 1904, Merthyr Express 7 January 1905 and Western Mail 3 January 1905.

[41] Glamorgan Gazette 3 February 1905.

[42] Ibid. The percentage additions to the agreed rate paid to the hewers per ton of coal in the price lists still go up and down according to the price of coal but this percentage is agreed upon by the Conciliation Board.

[43] Ibid.

[44] Glamorgan Gazette 3 March 1905.

[45] Labour Leader 3 March 1905.

[46] Labour Leader 3 March 1905 and 10 March 1905.

[47] Labour Leader 14 April 1905.

[48] Glamorgan Gazette 31 March 1905.

[49] Labour Leader 4 August 1905.

[50] Labour Leader 24 November 1905.

[51] Dean Forest Mercury 6 November 1953.

[52] Dean Forest Mercury 6 November 1953

[53] Dean Forest Mercury 6 November 1953. Martin Wright noted that after one meeting in Pontypridd, the SDF was accused of being in favour of atheism and “the hideous doctrine of free love‟, in support of which the accuser could legitimately quote SDF member Ernest Belfort Bax. See Wright, Wales and Socialism, 95.

[54] Mark Bevir, The Making of British Socialism (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2011) 125-126

54 Noel Gibbard, Fire on the Altar: A History and Evaluation of the 1904–05 Revival in Wales (Bridgend, 2005).

[56] The Socialist League split from the SDF at the end of 1884, after falling out with Hydnman over his commitment to nationalism and fixation on parliamentary politics.

[57] Wright, Wales and Socialism, 24.

57 Daryll Leeworthy, Labour Country, Political Radicalism and Social Democracy in South Wale, 1831-1985 (Cardigan: Parthian, 2018).

58 South Wales Daily News 23 May 1905.

[60] Glamorgan Gazette 28 April 1905.

[61] Glamorgan Gazette 26 May 1905.

[62] The Clarion 10 and 17 September 1898.

[63] Labour Leader, Newcastle Daily Chronicle, Yorkshire Factory Times, Bradford Daly Telegraph June – August 1905.

[64] Merthyr Express 24 June 1905 and Glamorgan Gazette 23 June 1905.

[65] Glamorgan Gazette 18 August 1905.

[66] Glamorgan Gazette 13 October 1905.

[67] Glamorgan Gazette 27 October 1905.

[68] Glamorgan Gazette 8 December 1905.

[69] Glamorgan Gazette 8 December 1905.

[70] Glamorgan Gazette 5 January 1906.

[71] South Wales Daily News 2 January 1906, Glamorgan Gazette 5 January 1906, Glamorgan Gazette 30 March 1906 and Glamorgan Gazette 27 April 1906.

[72] South Wales Daily News 31 August 1906. For re-joining the GMA 191 and against 630.

[73] Western Mail 15 March 1907.

[74] Glamorgan Gazette 24 August 1906.

[75] Leeworthy, Labour Country, 106 – 107.

[76] Sir Samuel Thomas Evans (1859 – 1918) was the son of a grocer and became a Welsh barrister, judge and Liberal politician. In 1890, he was elected to the House of Commons for Mid-Glamorgan. He combined his parliamentary work with his legal practice in Wales. He was re-elected in 1892, 1895, 1900, and twice in 906 and 1910. And retired from politics later that year.

[77] Wallace, Fanny Margaret Thomas, 74.

[78] These MPs refused to join the Labour Party and, in defiance of a coalfield ballot supporting Labour Party affiliation and remained as Lib-Lab MPs. However, before their re-election at the January 1910 general election, Mabon and Richards and most other Lib–Lab MPs from the MFGB joined the Labour Party. Brace did not become a Labour Party MP until 1918.

[79] Derby Daily Telegraph 29 September 1906.

[80] Glamorgan Gazette 28 September 1906.

[81] South Wales Daily News 5 October 1906.

[82] Labour Leader 20 November 1908. By 1908 the ILP had 4 county councillors, 27 urban district councillors, 18 town councillors, 3 rural district councillors, 18 parish councillors and 29 poor law guardians in south Wales. There were also 5 full-time organisers employed in the region. It was estimated that the South Wales and West of England ILP Federation had organised 2,000 meetings in the first nine months of the year.

[83] R. Church, The History of the British Coal Industry, Volume 3, (Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1986) 787.

[84] Meth Jones records in the Richard Burton Archives, Swansea University, GB 217 SWCC: MNA/PP/65.

[85] Labour Leader December 1908 and Labour Leader 29 January 1909.

[86] The Clarion 19 March 1909.

[87] Glamorgan Gazette 23 October 1908.

[88] The by- election was called because the sitting MP, Samuel Evans, was appointed president of the probate, divorce and admiralty division of the High Court of Justice.

[89] Glamorgan Gazette 25 March 1910.

[90] Wallace, Fanny Margaret Thomas, 79.

[91]Glamorgan Gazette 25 March 1910.

[92] See Wright, Wales and Socialism 236. When William Phippen contested a Rhondda council seat in 1908 for the ILP the pavements were chalked with “Don’t vote for William Phippen because he believes in free love‟. Wright, 245.

[93] Glamorgan Gazette 9 December 1910.

[94] Glamorgan Gazette9 December 1910.

[95] Glamorgan Gazette 3 June 1910.

[96] South Wales Daily Post 2 September 1910 and Glamorgan Gazette 16 September 1910.

[97] Liverpool Journal of Commerce 3 October 1910.

[98] Dundee Evening Telegraph 3 October 1910.

[99] The figures were 76,978 for a levy and 44,868 for a strike and the Garw valley 2,027 for a levy and 1,210 for a strike. Cardiff Times 1 October 1910.

[100] Superficially the stoppage was a protest against the decision of the mine manager to end the 40-year-old custom whereby miners were permitted to take home blocks of waste timber from the mines for use as a household fuel. More broadly it was a reaction to the perceived threat to their livelihoods posed by the colliery company’s drive to increase productivity. The workmen marched to the neighbouring Powell Duffryn collieries at Aberaman and Cwmbach, and very quickly a stoppage involving some 8,000 Cynon valley miners was underway. The “Block Strike” as it became known locally, was every bit as violent as the Cambrian Combine dispute. Charles Butt Stanton (1873 – 1946) began his political career as a miners’ leader at Aberdare where he was a prominent member of the ILP.

[101] D Evans, Labour Strife in the South Wales Coalfield,1910 – 1911 (Cardiff: Educational Pub. Co.) 35.

[102] Evening Express 15 December 1910.

[103] John Williams interview with Arnot on 18 October 1961.

[104] Glamorgan Gazette 22 December 1911.

[105] 1911 Census, Ancestry.

[106] Glamorgan Gazette 22 September 1911.

[107] Justice 13 January 1912.

[108] Robert Turnbull, Climbing Mount Sinai: Noah Ablett 1883-1935 (Socialist History Occasional Publication 40, 2017)

[109] The CLC was supported financially by the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants (later the NUR) and the SWMF. In 1911, the college moved to Earl’s Court, London and existed until 1929.

[110] John Williams interview with Arnot on 18 October 1961.

[111] Turnbull, Climbing Mount Sinai,Chapter Four.

[112] Glamorgan Gazette 8 March 1912.

[113] Frank Hodges, My Adventures as a Labour Leader.

[114] John Williams interview 10 October 1961.

[115] Frank Hodges, My Adventures as a Labour Leader (London: George Newnes, 1925).

[116] Ibid.

[117] Ibid.

[118] Frank Hodges, My Adventures as a Labour Leader.

[119] Frank Hodges, Towards the One Big Union, Rhondda Socialist 20 July 1912.

[120] In fact, Williams came third but one of the winning candidates must have stood down. Glamorgan Gazette 23 August 1912 and Dean Forest Mercury 12 May 1922.

[121] Among those on the left-wing members of SWMF Executive in 1912 were Charles Stanton, Noah Ablett, Noah Rees and Tom Smith.

[122] Dean Forest Mercury 12 May 1922.

[123]

[124] Globe 2 December 1912, Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail 5 December 1912, Walsall Advertiser 14 December 1912, Sheffield Evening Telegraph 2 May 1913, Western Gazette Friday 9 May 1913, Glamorgan Gazette 20 March 1914 and Glamorgan Gazette 3 July 1914.

[125] Globe 2 December 1912 and Glamorgan Gazette 6 December 1912.

[126] Western Times 3 May 1913, Western Gazette May 1913 and Leigh Chronicle and Weekly District Advertiser 9 May 1913.

[127] In 1912, Tom Mann was convicted under the Incitement to Mutiny Act 1797 of publishing an article in The Syndicalist as an “Open Letter to British Soldiers” urging them to refuse to shoot at strikers. His prison sentence was quashed after public pressure

[128] Glamorgan Gazette 13 June 1913.

[129] The Glamorgan Gazette3 July 1914 and Western Mail 29 June, 30 June and 2 July 1914.

[130] The Glamorgan Gazette3 July 1914

[131] Dean Forest Mercury 11 December 1953.

[132] Glamorgan Gazette 27 February 1914. The Dublin lockout was a major industrial dispute involving approximately 20,000 workers and 300 employers. The dispute lasted from 26 August 1913 to 18 January 1914. Central to the dispute was the workers’ right to unionise. The lock-out eventually concluded after the TUC in Britain rejected a request for a sympathetic strike and the workers returned defeated. The lockout was the most severe and significant industrial dispute in Irish history and, although the workers were defeated, it is often represented as the coming of age of the Irish trade union movement.

[133] Minutes of the Blaengarw Workmen’s Institute, Richard Burton Archives

[134] Henderson was a Labour politician who had issued a joint statement with Keir Hardie on August 1 which called on British workers to “hold vast demonstrations against war in every industrial centre.”

[135] Quoted in Fenner Brockway, Inside The Left, London 1942, pp 45-46. Fenner Brockway (1888 – 1988) was a British anti-war activist and member of the ILP. On 12 November 1914, he published an appeal for men of military age to join him in forming the No-Conscription Fellowship to campaign against the possibility of the government attempting to introduce conscription in Britain. In 1916, Brockway was arrested for distributing anti-conscription leaflets. He was fined, and after refusing to pay the fine, was sent to Pentonville Prison for two months. Shortly after his release Brockway was arrested again for failing to turn up to barracks after having his application for exemption from military service, based on his beliefs as a conscientious objector, turned down. He was handed over to the Army, court-martialled for disobeying orders and sent to prison until he was released in 1919.

[136] There were other dissenters. For instance, two weeks before the outbreak of the war, Bristol dockers voted for Britain maintaining neutrality, although their union’s leadership wavered. The Bristol ILP kept up its opposition to the war to the bitter end after forty one of its local male activists were sent to prison. Despite this, Bristol ILP women members continued to campaign against the war.

[137] See the brief biography of William Brace in the appendix.

[138] The London Gazette 1 September 1914.

[139] C. Williams, Capitalism, Community and Conflict, The South Wales Coalfield, (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1998) 20.

[140] David Silbey, The British Working Class and Enthusiasm for War, (London: Frank Cass, 2005).

[141] A pamphlet produced by the National Service League, entitled Briton’s First Duty, conceded “Want and hunger are unfortunately for us, the invisible recruiting sergeants for the great proportion of our army.”

[142] Letter from volunteer William Edwards quoted in Gloden Dallas and Douglas Gill, “Mutiny at Étaples Base in 1917”, Past and Present, (69, 1975) 44.

[143] Glamorgan Gazette 14 August 1914 and Glamorgan Gazette 11 September 1914.

[144] Glamorgan Gazette 20 March 1914 and reports in the Glamorgan Gazette of meetings of the Garw District of SWMF following this date.

[145] Glamorgan Gazette 9 October 1914.

[146] Arnot, The Miners, 33.

[147] Glamorgan Gazette 4 June 1915.

[148] Gerry Rubin, War, Law and Labour: The Munitions Acts, State Regulation and the Unions 1915-1921, (Oxford: Clarendon Press,1988).

[149] R. Griffiths‘ The Kaiser’s Black Guards’: The South Wales Miners’ Strike of July 1915, Our History No 16, The Communist Party, 2015.

[150] Glamorgan Gazette 13 August 1915.

[151] Glamorgan Gazette 26 November 1915.

[152] Yorkshire Post 8 December 1915.

[153] Western Mail 1 December 1915.

[154] John Williams interview by Arnot 25 July 1963.

[155] Ibid.

[156] The Western Mail 28 December 1915.

[157] Gloucestershire Chronicle 25 December 1915 and  Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 39.

[158] The Times 28 January 1916

[159] Glamorgan Gazette 21 April 1916.

[160] The Gloucester Journal 26 May 1917.

[161] In view of the importance of maintaining the output of coal, no person employed underground in a coalmine and no person employed on the surface of a coalmine as winding engineman, pumpman, weighman, electrician, fitter, or mechanic (whether starred or not) is to be called up for service with the Forces without the consent of the Home Office. The Colliery Recruiting Courts will deal, on behalf of and acting under instructions from the Home Office, with questions as to the possibility of sparing further miners from these classes for service with the Forces in particular cases, and also with questions as to whether particular men come within these classes. All workmen employed at the surface of coalmines and all officials whose duty it is to superintend such workmen, who are not, in either case, included in the classes mentioned above, will be on the same footing as the general body of recruits who have enlisted under the group system, and in their case claims can only be made for postponement to later groups. Such claims, however, made on the ground that a man is indispensable to the employer’s business will be heard by the Colliery Recruiting Court instead of by the ordinary local Tribunal. A claim for postponement on personal grounds to the man himself will go before the local Tribunal. Each Court will consist of the Divisional Inspector of Mines (or a senior inspector acting as his deputy), with two assessors, one representing the coal owners the other representing the miners. Twenty-three Courts have been established. If any of the parties concerned is dissatisfied with the decision of the Court and the Court considers that “a question of principle or any important issue is involved,” it “may” grant leave to appeal to the Central Court, but is not bound to do so. (The Times 6 January 1916).

[162] Glamorgan Gazette 25 February 1916.

[163] Glamorgan Gazette 4 August 1916 and 11 August 1916.

[164] http://www.welshcoalmines.co.uk/forum/read.php?11,65670,65915

[165] Ibid.

[166]D. Egan, “The Swansea conference of the British Council of Soldiers’ and workers’ delegates, July 1917″,  Llafur: The journal of the Society for the Study of Welsh Labour History, Vol. 1,  4, (1975) 12-37.

[167] Western Mail 1 February 1917.

[168] Western Daily Press 2 February 1917.

[169] Evening Mail 14 February 1917

[170] Evening Mail 14 February 1917.

[171] The Glamorgan Gazette23 February 1917.

[172] Belfast News-Letter – Tuesday 20 February 1917.

[173] Western Mail 16 April 1917.

[174] Arnot, South Wales Miners, 133.

[175] Arnot, South Wales Miners, 133

[176] Western Mail 3 August 1917.

[177] Egan, The Swansea Conference, 28.

[178] Western Daily Press 4 August 1917.

[179] Ibid.

[180] Leeds Mercury 07 August 1917

[181] Glamorgan Gazette 24 August 1917

[182] Sheilds Dail News 16 August 1917 and Glamorgan Gazette Friday 31 August 1917.

[183] May

[184] Glamorgan Gazette 7 September 1917.

[185] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David Lloyd George.

[186] Arnot, South Wales Miners, 133-134.

[187] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 57.

[188] Arnot, South Wales Miners, 134.

[189] The Glamorgan Gazette 9 November 1917.

[190] Ibid.

[191] Leeworthy, Labour Country, 99.

[192] Glamorgan Gazette 5 October 1917.

[193] Labour Leader 14 March 1918.

[194] Labour Leader 5 September 1918.

[195] This was reduced to 25,000 in June.

[196] Dean Forest Mercury 15 March 1918.

[197]  Arnot, South Wales Miners, 148.

[198] Glamorgan Gazette 12 April 1918 and Cambrian Daily News 11 April 1918.

[199] Ives, 163

[200] Western Mail 8 April 1918.

[201] The Rhondda Leader 27th April 1918.

[202] http://www.garwheritage.co.uk/wordpress/?p=2107

[203] http://www.garwheritage.co.uk/wordpress/?p=3160

[204] Glamorgan Gazette 29 November 1918.

[205] Glamorgan Gazette 6 December 1918.

[206] Western Mail 1 January 1919.

[207] Western Mail 1 March 1919.

[208] Western Mail 3 March 1919.

[209] Pontypridd Observer 5 March 1921 and Glamorgan Gazette 2 September 1921.

[210] Brock Millman, Managing Dissent in First World War Britain (London: Frank Cass, 2000).

[211] Quoted in Chanie Rosenberg, 1919, Britain on the Brink of Revolution (London: Bookmarks,1987) 39.

[212] Cabinet minutes quoted in Supple, The History of the British Coal Industry, 118.

[213] Cabinet minutes quoted in Supple, The History of the British Coal Industry, 118.

[214] Pall Mall Gazette 1 January 1919

[215] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 70.

[216] Ibid. 71 – 72.

[217] Gloucestershire Echo 17 January 1919.

[218] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 72-73.

[219] Frank Hodges, My Adventures as a Labour Leader, 1925.

[220] Quoted in Jack T. Murphy, Preparing for Power (London, 1972) 172.

[221] Ibid. 44.

[222] Ives, Reform, Revolution and Direct Action, 279-280.

[223] David Mitchell, Ghost of Chance: British Revolutionaries in 1919, History Today, (November 1970) 758.

164 Webb, 1919, 60

[225] Ives, Reform, Revolution and Direct Action, Chapter 3 and  Sunday Post 2 February 1919.

[226] Ibid. 39.

[227] Ibid. 157.

[228] Merthyr Pioneer, 4 January 1919.

[229] Merthyr Pioneer, 4 January 1919.

[230] Daily Herald 8 February 1919.

[231] Ives, Reform, Revolution and Direct Action, 40.

[232] Webb, 1919, Chapter 6.

[233] Bonar Law stated he was in fear of being strung up on one of London’s lamp-posts.

[234] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 73.

[235] Ives, Reform, Revolution and Direct Action, 176.

[236] Herald of Wales and Monmouthshire Recorder 22 February 1919.

[237] Rhondda Leader 22 March 1919.

[238] Margaret Cole (ed), Beatrice Webb’s Diaries, 1912-1924 (London: Longmans, 1952) 150-151.

[239] For a detailed discussion of the Webbs’ critique of syndicalism see J. M. Winter, Socialism and the Challenge of War (London: Routledge, 1974) 29-66.

[240] Ives, Reform, Revolution and Direct Action, 193.

[241] Hodges, My Adventures, 80

[242] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 73-74.

[243] John Sankey, 1st Viscount Sankey (1866-1948) was a British lawyer, judge, Labour politician and Lord Chancellor of Great Britain.

[244] The Coal Industry Commission held its first meeting on March 3rd. It was composed of the following men:  Hon Justice Sankey (Chairman); Robert Smillie, Herbert Smith, Frank Hodges and Sir Leo Chiozza Money (nominated by the MFGB); R. H. Tawney and Sidney Webb (Government nominees agreed to by the MFGB); Arthur Balfour, Sir Arthur Duckham and Sir Thomas Royden (Government nominees); Evan Williams, R. W. Coope; and J. T. Forgie (representing Coal Owners).

[245] Woodhouse, Mines for the Nation or Mines for the Miners? 95.

[246] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 79.

[247] Beatrice Webb, Diaries Vol. 1, 161.

[248] Arnot, The Miners, 189.

[249] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 85 – 87.

[250] Ibid. 87.

[251] Ibid.

[252] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 87-88.

[253] R. Page Arnot, South Wales Miners, 1914-1926, (Cardiff: Cymric Federation Press, 1975), 169.

[254] Patrick Renshaw, The General Strike, (London: Eyre Methuen, 1975) 59.

[255] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 88 – 90.

[256] Western Mail 24-31 March 1919.

[257] Ives, Reform, Revolution and Direct Action, 178-182.

[258] Sheffield Evening Telegraph  28 March 1919.

[259] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 89.

[260] Western Mail 10 April 1919.

[261] Glamorgan Gazette 11 April 1919.

[262] Porthcawl News 8 May 1919.

[263] May, A Question of Control, 239.

[264] Supple, The History of the British Coal Industry

[265] May, A Question of Control, 235-236.

[266] The People 4 May 1919.

[267] Glamorgan Gazette 23 May 1919.

[268] Glamorgan Gazette 13 June 1919.

[269] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 130-136.

[270] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 90-100.

[271] Ibid.

[272] Triple Alliance Conference held on 23 July quoted in Ives, Reform, Revolution and Direct Action, 194

[273] Ives, Reform, Revolution and Direct Action, 305.

[274] Daily Herald  31 July 1919.

[275] However, he did accept the recommendation that the state should purchase the mineral rights, although he did nothing to act on this.

[276] Hansard 18 August 1919 volume 119 cc2000-1.

[277] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 114.

[278] Rhondda Leader 23 August 1919.

[279] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 116.

[280] Department of Employment, British Labour Statistics 1886-1968, Table 197 (1971) 396.

[281] Warwick Digital Collections, http://contentdm.warwick.ac.uk/cdm/ref/collection/tav/id/2357. Last accessed 24 April 2019.

[282]Western Mail 2 October 1919 and Porthcawl News 9 October 1919.

[283] Porthcawl News 16 October 1919.

[284] Glamorgan Gazette 31 October 1919.

[285] Glamorgan Gazette 7 November 1919.

[286] Glamorgan Gazette 26 March 1920.

[287] Glamorgan Advertiser 23 January 1920

[288] Glamorgan Advertiser 23 January 1920.

[289] Ibid. 122.

[290] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 128.

[291] Arnot, The Miners,  235 and Daily Herald 15 April 1920.

[292] Sheffield Evening Telegraph 3 March 1920.

[293] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 141.

[294] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 144 -145.

[295] Desmarais, The British Government’s Strikebreaking Organization, 122.

[296] Ibid.

[297] Gloucester Journal 2 October 1920.

[298] Western Mail 5 October 1920.

[299] Western Mail11 October 1920.

[300] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 155 and Daily Herald 15 October 1920.

[301] Glamorgan Gazette 10 October 1924

[302] Quoted by Jeroen Sprenger in http://www.jeroensprenger.nl/Triple%20Alliance/the-1919-railway-strike.html (Last accessed on 18 November 2019).

[303] Western Mail 16 October 1920.

[304] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 160.

[305] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 160- 161 and Arnot, The Miners, 276-278.

[306] Brace and Hartshorn were involved in secret negotiations with Government officials and Brace proposed the outlines of a settlement on which lines the strike was eventually resolved. These leaders acted contrary to their mandate and certainly contrary to the prevailing mood within the coalfields, and as a result, Brace and Hartshorn were forced to resign from their offices in the SWMF.  Hartshorne was later re-elected as President of SWMF serving from 1922 to 1924.

[307] Glamorgan Advertiser 5 November 1920.

[308] Daily Herald 11 October 1920.

[309] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 201 -204.

[310] Glamorgan Advertiser 19 November 1920

[311] Glamorgan Advertiser 7 January 1921.

[312] Supple, The History of the British Coal Industry, Chapter 5.

[313] Glamorgan Advertiser 28 January 1921.

[314] Glamorgan Gazette 2 April and 15 April 1921 and Glamorgan Advertiser 15 April 1921.

[315] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 200.

[316] South Wales Gazette 25 November 1921.

[317] Western Mail 14 April 1921.

[318] Western Mail 14 April 1921.

[319] Glamorgan Advertiser 15 April 1921.

[320] Western Mail 19 April 1921.

[321] Western Mail 18 April 1921.

[322] Western Mail 21 April 1921.

[323] Western Mail 23 May 1921.

[324] Glamorgan Advertiser 20 May 1921.

[325] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 232.

[326] Western Mail 16 June 1921.

[327] Glamorgan Advertiser 8 July 1921.

[328] Statistical Department of the SWMF. Summary of the returns received from the Districts week ending 10 September 10 1921.

[329] Western Mail 26 September 1921.

[330] Glamorgan Advertiser 7 October 1921.

[331] Williams had to help resolve a dispute in November when the miners at the International colliery walked out on strike over the failure of the colliery owners to abide by the recently signed new agreement Justice 17 November 1921.

[332] Wright, God’s Beautiful Sunshine, 186-190.

[333] Dean Forest Mercury 12 May 1922.

[334] Humphrey Phelps, Forest Voices, (Stroud: Chalford, 1996) 63.

[335] Wright, God’s Beautiful Sunshine,196-199 and Dean Forest Mercury 3 March 1922.

[336] Cole, Labour in the Coal Mining Industry, 241, Nottingham Evening Post 14 January 1922 and Griffin, The Miners of Nottinghamshire, 112-113. In early 1922 Grove Engine colliery in Whitecroft was selling house coal at 35s a ton at the pit head. (Dean Forest Mercury 6 January 1922).

[337] John Williams statement to R page Arnot in November 1961, Richard Burton Archives.

[338] Ian Wright, Coal on One Hand, Men on the Other (Bristol: BRHG, 2017).

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Newspapers

www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk

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http://www.garwheritage.co.uk/wordpress/

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